.M28S7 







v\' ... "^ "" .0^^ ^ox^.^-^o' '" J> .,^"^^^^^ "'^ -^" 



v '^jm^^\ -^^^<i oV^^^^Oi'- '^^.c^ fm^^. '^^0^ 




v-o^ 




'bV" 










4 o 





<*■. 'o , * 



















1 









:^ '^''- 








mK' 



.y 



A 



<^ * O H P ' . V 



»^ J^ 

















* n 



^°v^ 




^ * ■^ 



>^• 




-^, 






kV 






\." 



RIGHT AND WRONG, 

Or an account of the Pro- Slaver y Mob of October 

\Oth, 1836 : When an ./Int'i- Slavery Lecturer 

teas silenced by the beat of drums, c^'C. ^oiih 

some reasoning in favor of Emancipaticn. 

BY 

s\ 



CONTAINING A LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS 
OF THE MANSFIELD ANTI SLAVERY SOCIETY. 



PAWTUCKET, MASS. 
ROBERT snERMAN:::::::::::::pr.iNTER. 



1837. 



Mansfield, Oct. 1836. 
To the Inhabitants of Mansfield^ Mass, 
Gentlemen and Ladies : — 
A friend to liberty and the rights of mankind wish- 
es to say a few words in regard to the late riot in 
Mansfield. The proceedings of the enemies of the 
abolition of American Slavery, on Monday the 10th 
day of October, 1836, will long be remembered as 
one of the grossest insults ever offered to the free 
and peaceable citizens of this town or any other. — 
Some facts in the case I will state, although they are 
undoubtedly familiar to you all. I do not do this to 
create an excitement^ that is already got up by the 
opponents of abohtionists. Can our dearest rights 
be thus trampled upon and violated and our minds 
not be indignant? But I write for the purpose of 
encouraging our citizens to be calm — to take the sub- 
ject into serious consideration. The abolitionists 
are not for getting up an undue excitemennt ; that 
belongs to their opponents; but they are friends of 
peace. They hold to the scripture doctrine of doing 
to others as we would wish them to do to us in like 
circumstances. They consider all mankind as breth- 
ren, irrespective of color or condition. They hold to 
loving their neighbors as themselves. They are op- 



])os<\'l to war an(] tumult and bloody strife. Tlioy 
iiold indeed to a moral umrfarc a<jainst sin, oj)j)res- 
sion, and all kinds of ini(]uity, in Iiigh places as well 
as in low. They hold to liberty of speech and of the 
j)ress, and human freedom. If any one doubts this 
let him read the writin^js of abolitionists — let him 
lu^ar lectures upon thesubject. Lectures did I say? 
No! we are denied that privilege ! ! Our own most 
dear rights — rights guaranteed to us by the constitu- 
tion of the state and nation; — rights for which our 
fore-fathers in the revolutionary struggle for/j'eetiow 
and independence, bled and died to maintain, and 
transmit to posterity, we are debarred from enjoying 
by a lawless mob. encouraged, we have reason to be- 
lieve by " men of properly and standing." 

Let us take a retrospective view of the transaction 
on Monday, October 10th, 1836. We ought to sift 
this matter thoroughly. We ought to go to the bot- 
tom of tlie thing, to find out the prime movers and 
instigators of the mob, and bring them up to answer 
to the law which they have thus grossly trampled 
under foot, and let their names be known to the pub- 
lic. No one believes that those who were most con- 
spicuous on that day in the gallery of the Centre 
Meeting House, violating the laws and infringing 
upon our rights, were the instigators of it, any more 
than the index which po nts to the hour in a well 
regulated time keeper, is the machinery which sets 
and keeps it in motion. They ought, notwithstand- 
ing, to answer for their conduct by the infliction of 
the penalty of the law which they have violated. 

It is, without doubt, well known, that Mr. Charles 
C. Burleigh was invited to give the inhabitants of 
Mansfield a lecture on Slavery, at the Centre Meet- 
ing House, by the unanimous consent of the Parish 
Committee, at the recpiest of a respectable number 
of the inhabitants of the town and parish; and no 
doubt a large majority of the parish, and also of the 



lown were willing he sliould lectjire and wished to 
hear him. Notice of the meeting was also £>iven IVoni 
the pulpit of the same meeting house, and two oth- 
ers in town. 

Mr. Burleigh is employed hy the American Anti- 
Slavery Society as their Agent to lecture in tavor of 
emancipation. He had a right to lecture. The God 
of heaven gives him ihat right, and we have a right 
to hear. No man or hody of men has a right to take 
it away. It is inalienable. The Constitution of 
this state and of the United States recognizes this 
right, and any attempt to take it away is a violation 
of tiie laws of God and our Country. We have,there- 
fore, been most grossly insulted. Liberty is down 
in iVIanstield, unless its inhabitants exert themselves 
for its restoration. Some think it best to call a Town 
Meeting to take the minds of the people upon the 
subject. To see if the majority are willing to aid in 
the restoration of our lost liberties, or wish to toler- 
ate and acquiesce in such proceedings. If we are- 
willing to set tamely and submissively under the tri- 
umphs of mob-law, then indeed we are fit to become* 
slaves to southern nabobs. 

Rumor was aiioat the day before the lecture, that 
there would be a disturbance. That drums and oth- 
er music would be on hand — that a number had met 
at the tavern kept by O. S. Kingsbury, to conclude- 
how to manage — that a lawyer had been consulted to^ 
know hoiv far they could go and not expose them- 
selves to the penalty of the law — that the lawyer de- 
cided that if the mob was composed of less than thir- 
ty unarmed, or less than twelve armed, they could 
not be called to account; for it could not be called 
a riot, according to the statute, c^-c t^-c But the 
peaceable inhabitants could not believe that our fel- 
low townsmen were so lost to a sense of propriety, 
of morality, of self respect, of regard to the good and 
wholesome laws of the land, and regard to the feel- 



hvis €111(1 wishes of a larGjc part oftlic town, as to he- 
linvc tliat sucli a transaction would occur. Tlicy re- 
i.',ardc(l it as an idle throat — a menace, for the pur- 
pose of intimidating the friends of hberty. But had 
the ])eopIe been convinced that there would be a dis- 
turbance, I do not know that it was their duty to 
oI)ey tlie dictates of an unprincipled mob and refrain 
from holding the meeting. 

As tlie liour of meeting had arrived and a large 
concreiiation had Mssembled to hear the lecture, some 
dozen men and boys were seen comuig irom towards 
the store of iMaj. Elkanah Ba^es, and|the tavern 
owned by him and kept by O. S. Kingsbury, situa- 
ted opposite the store, and hurrying to the meeting 
house, joined by a few others, carrying with thein a 
large bass drum, a small drum and a bugle horn. — 
They rushed up the west gallery and commenced op- 
erations upon their respective instruments. The lec- 
turer h:id arrived. Kev. Martin M. Braley of this 
town commenced the services by a prayer. Not a 
word could be heard of the prayer till they ceased 
drumming for a few minutes, when they commenced 
again and contiiuied until the prayer was finished. — 
At the close of the prayer Mr. Burleigh arose to speak 
but could not be heard, although he raised his voice 
to the highest pitch. Finding it impossible to make 
himself heard, he stopped and sat down. The Con- 
stable, S. C. Cobb, did his duty manfully. He de- 
manded order by calling upon the rioters in the name 
of the commonwealth, to cease their disturbance or 
withdraw from the meeting. They listened while he 
spoke, but recommenced their riotous noise and re- 
fused to obey. 'J'he Constable then comuianded as- 
sistance — a few followed him up to the gallery,where 
he was seized by the mob, struck several times in 
the face and considerably injured. They also struck 
several others who came to his assistance. Several 
faces were bloody. Finding the mob obstinate, and 



the Constable feeling no disposition to fi;ilit, and 
thinking personal injury might be sustained, he and 
those employed to assist him withdrew. Tiie Con- 
stable then read the riot act. Chapter 129, page 735 
of the Revised Statutes. The mob paid attention 
the most of the time it was reading, but refused to 
comply and remain quiet. He then went to Solomon 
Pratt, Esq. our First Selectman, with the Revised 
Statutes to show him his duty in regard to riots. — 
In the mean time a Mr, Foster Bryant^ lately from 
New York, who is engaged in the coal mining busi- 
ness, got up and delivered a Tirade against anti- 
slavery, from a book in manuscript which he took 
out of his pocket. 

It is with regret I have to state that the Chairman 
of the Selectmen, above named, who could but know 
that there was a disturbance, refused to exert his au- 
thority to quell it. He, at the commencement of the 
riot, was in front and w ithin ten feet of the meeting 
house, and when asked if it was not the duty of the 
Selectmen to endeavor to quell the riot, replied : — 
*•' I have nothing to do about, it is not our business; 
we have nothing to do about it." &c. repeating it 
over in words similar to the above. The followinu 
paragraph from the Revised Statutes will show his 
duty as well as the duty of other peace officers. 

" Section 3. If any Mayor, Alderman, Selectman, 
Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Deputy Sheriff,hav- 
ing notice of any such riotous or tumultous and un- 
lawful assembly, as mentioned in this Chapter, in the 
city or town in which he lives, shall neglect or refuse 
immediately to proceed to the place of such assem- 
bly, or as near thereto as he can with safety, or shall 
omit or neglect to exercise the authority with which 
he is invested by this chapter, for suppressing such 
riotous or unlawful assembly, and for arresting and 
securing the offenders, he shall be deemed guilty of 
a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine not exceeding 



throe hundred dollars." — Revised Statutes, Chcqj. 
12f). p. 735. 

I'lip Constable showed our First Selectman the 
chapter in which the above paragraph is tbund, but 
he refused to look at it, and turned away his face in 
•a most scornful manner, saying: '' I have nothing to 
do about it; this meeting is not of my getting up. I 
do not believe in such meetings," &:.c. The Consta- 
ble then read the above paragraph to him, and re- 
quested him to exert his infiuence and authority to 
restore order and quell the riot. He was in his store 
a little distance from the meeting house, at the time. 
He walked the room in much agitation, talked loud, 
&,c. He at first refused to do any thing, but finally 
followed the Constable to the meeting house, ascend- 
ed the pulpit stairs and made a speech, saying: That 
he teas informed there was a riot there, but he did 
not knoiv of any. He saw no mob. He might, had 
he turned his eyes to the gallery, saw men with in- 
struments of annoyance. (He might have seen the 
big drum in full view of the whole audience, in the 
hands of a man ready to beat upon it. He might 
peradventure, have heard its sound as he entered the 
house. But it ceased playing when he entered.) — 
Among many other things, foreign to] the case, he 
stated that Mr. Cobb, (the Constable) had requested 
him to order the assembly to disperse. The Consta- 
ble replied, " not so, only the rioters." Esq. Pratt 
the Selectman said to Cobb, "when I have done, you 
may talk." He appeared much excited. He then 
addressed himself to the congregation on the lower 
floor of the meeting house, who were peaceable citi- 
zens and came to hear Mr. Burleigh lecture;* and 
requested them to disperse and go home. He did 
not direct his speech to the rioters at all. I did not 

*Except, perhaps, Mr. Bryant, who was there for the purpose, as the 
event showed, of infringing upon the order of the meeting, and lecturing 
against abolition, unsolicited by any authority. 



ol)serve him to even look at the mob in the gallery. 
As soon as he had finished, he walked out and was 
cheered by the mob, who clapped their hands, hal- 
looed, and beat upon their drums in token of appro- 
bation. The smile of satisi'action was plainly visible 
upon iheir countenances. The peaceable audience 
felt themselves most grievously insulted and did not 
one leave their seats. The mob felt themselves 
greatly encouraged. The people were astonished 
and surprised beyond measure at the unexpected 
stand assumed by Esq. Pratt. 

Hon. Solomon Pratt, Chief Magistrate of Mans- 
field, thus refused to quell the disturbance, and de- 
nied the existence of any mob or riot, and after he 
made his speech, w as not seen at the scene of the riot 
again that day. It was said he went to his house at 
a few rods only from the meeting house. The audi- 
ence after waiting some time to see if the rioters 
would not yield and give Mr. Burleigh an opportu- 
nity to go on with his lecture, began to move out at 
the front door, where, perhaps half of the men lin- 
gered waiting the result. Mr. Burleigh then came 
to the door and addressed them some time. The 
mob in the gallery, soon finding he was speaking so 
as to be heard, came down, went round in front and 
played away their discordant notes. He then turned 
to those in the meeting house and spoke several min- 
utes before the mob perceived that they were out- 
generaled. The mob then divided their company in- 
to two parts, the small drum and bugle forming one 
part, and the bass drum the other — one part remain- 
ing out at the front of the door, and the other part in 
the gallery. So they finally succeeded in preventing 
his being heard any more, but not until a constitu- 
tion for an Anti-Slavery Si^f iety had been circulated, 
and before the audience dispersed nearly fifty names 
were obtained. Mr. Burleigh then left, being invi- 
ted by Mr. Otis Allen to ride with him. They walk- 



ed across the common to the carriage, followed by 
the mob with huzzas, beat of drums and blowing the 
bugle till the carriage drove off, when they in a meas- 
ure ceased and the people scattered to their respect- 
ive homes. 

I wonder when the mob followed across the com- 
mon with drums beating and horn blowing with oth- 
er mobocratic noises, whether the chief magistrate of 
Mansfield thought it was muster day, but as he had 
never a military turn, being no military officer, al- 
though one of his sons bears the title of Major and 
his father was for a long time captain of a company 
of militia in Mansfield, yet as he had not a military 
relish, his curiosity did not induce him to look out of 
his dwelling to see what was going on. So he must 
be excused. 

Now, I would ask, are we willing to have our 
rights and privileges thus taken away and trampled 
under foot by a lawless and unprincipled mob, coun- 
tenanced and permitted by men in high standing? — 
If so, then we are indeed slaves. We have lost the 
spirit of freemen. We have degenerated from the 
spirit of hberty which burnt in the bosoms of our an- 
cestors. I would ask who were locked up in the 
belfrey ringing and tolling the bell during the time 
in which Mr. Burleigh was to lecture? Were they 
not men who ought to be ashamed of such a base and 
cowardly act? Was not one of them a person whom 
we had honored with our suffrages? Can our Town 
Clerk, Wm. B. Bates, give an honorable account of 
himself during the riot? Was he not one of those 
locked up in the belfrey engaged in ringing the bell 
to make a disturbance?* 

If the cause which Mr. Burleigh, or any other anti- 

•Charles "W illiams and James |V|. Wilbur, the two most conspicuous 
jn the mob of Oct. 10, 1836, have been convicted at the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas, at Taunton, in September, for an assault on Mr. §. C. Cobb, 
the Constable, while doing his duty ; and sentenced to pay a fine and 
«ost. November 1837. 



slavery lecturer advocates, appears to be erroneoqs 
in the opinion of his opponents, let them argue tHe 
case and discuss the matter with him fairly. When 

he lectured before in this town he offered to do it 

Mr. Burleigh was engaged to lecture, but a Mr. 
Foster Bryant, who has resided here but a few months 
had the impudence to get up and lecture against an- 
ti-slavery, and accused Mr. JSurleigh of making state- 
ments, at a previous meeting in another town, which 
he never uttered. He promised to give Mr. Burleigh 
an opportunity to reply, but as soon as he had done, 
he was cheered by the mob, and when Mr. Burleigh 
attempted to reply, the mob beat upon their drums 
and blowed the bugle, so that he could not be heard. 
Was any thing ever more impudent, daring and in- 
sulting? Can we rest easy under this state of things, 
like the poor degraded slave, accustomed to the yoke 
of bondage? I trust not. I trust we shall persevere 
in the most righteous cause of abolition, till every 
black man, as well as white man enjoys the inesti- 
mable blessing of freedom. Till we in Mansfield 
can peaceably enjoy the Hberty of speech. Till we 
can have an anti-slavery lecture without molestation 
from a lawless mob. Till we can have a lecture in 
favor of human liberty and the right of man unmolest- 
ed. Till men of aristocratic feelings shall cease to 
dictate to us what we shall hear and what we shall 
not hear, and cease to countenance mobocracy and 
connive at slavery. A gentleman in high standing, 
who resides near the centre meeting house, has re- 
peatedly said that we had one anti-slavery lecture 
and he thought that ought to satisfy us. That is to 
say; he and a few other " gentlemen of property and 
standing," our lords and masters, and dictators have 
wonderfully condescended to permit us, poor fellows 
to have one lecture^ at our request, in peace, without 
a mob, but we cannot have another such indulgence. 
We must hereafter be denied that privilege; andjf 



10 

we attempt to have a lecture without their leave, wo 
must expect to be mobbed.* 

Another gentleman, who was absent during the 
riot, 2^'i^ofesses deep regret at the transaction. Many 
think his sorrow is hypocritical, like the sinner on 
the eve of being punished for his iniquity, is sorry for 
his sins on account of the destruction it has drawn 
upon himself, and not on account of its moral turpi- 
tude and sin against God and duty. He may be sor- 
ry for the injury it has drawn upon his society — sor- 
ry because it did not have the effect to "-keep aboli- 
tion out of town," but the contrary. 

No doubt all those "gentlemen of property and 
standing," near the centre meeting house, disclaim 
any such thing as countenancing mobocracy. No, 
not they, — they are all honorable men. But I will 
leave it to the reader to judge whether it is not en- 
couraging the mob, when sev-eral in a store talk of 
mobbing a man, and one says that " Mr. Burleigh 
ought to be tarred and feathered — that he would fur- 
nish rotten eggs to throw at him if he attempts to 
lecture in Mansfield again," &c. and have the owner 
of the store join in the laugh, and not say a word 
against such language? This has been done, I am 
credibly informed, atthestore of Maj. Elkanah Bates 
in his presence, without a word of disapprobation of 
such threatening language, by him. Such things, 
most certainly give encouragement to mobs to pro- 
ceed in their work of disorder and outrage. I do 
not say that his intention was to incite the mob, but 
still the effect is the same. 

*I understand the gentleman alluded to, has since f=aid he thought 
thsre would be no disturbance again if an anti-slavery lecture was 
to be delivered there. That he had no objection to Elder O. Scott's 
lecturing there, &c. There is no doubt but that the mob finding 
they did not succeed in destroying the seed of abolition by their 
<loings, but caui5e(l it to taUe deep root, and have only injured thpui- 
selves, would gladly jjloster over the wound by soft words and fair 
fepeeches. 



II 

My Friends — Allhou.qh M'Duffio, the governor 
of* South Carolina, in his nicssajie to the leij^islalure 
of that state, has thrown out the hint that the hihor- 
iiifj classes of the northern states will heconie shives 
within " a quarter of a century," and thnt '' they are 
a dangerous element in the body politic,'' and ought 
not to he trusted wilh political affairs, we did not 
think we were so near that awful doom. But so it 
is. Unless abolitionism prevails, the laboring white 
people of the north \\'\\\ become slaves according to 
ins prediction. The laboring class of the South are 
already slaves. 

All the anti-abolition mobs throughout the country 
owe their origin to the countenance of men in high 
places. Men who are aristocrats in feeling, altho' 
they may have assumed tlie name o^ republicans, or 
democrats, as a cloak for their hypocrisy. Men, 
who no doubt would be w illing to hold slaves them- 
selves if it was only popular. 

A gentleman of property and standing near the 
centre meeting house, has said that he has done all 
he could to kfep abolition out of town. No doubt 
he has succeeded to keep it out of his own heart, so 
that the light of truth cannot enter, as he was never 
known to read the publications of abolitionists, and 
refuses to hear a lecture, saying he "would go as far 
the other way." Perhaps he thinks the best way tO' 
keep it out is to let in a mob and drive it out by beat 
of drums! The sound of drums m^y Jrighten away 
rats, but they were never known to drive off princi- 
ples. " Truth is great and it will prevail." Let the 
friends of liberty and the rights of man persevere. — 
Let them be calm, but determined. Let them go 
ahead trusting in the Lord of righteousness, who 
will renew their strength. Let them read anti-slave- 
ry publications and become well informed upon the 
subject. Let them endeavor to enlighten their neigh- 
bors and friends who are not yet awakened to the 



awful sill of slave liolding. Let tlif^in circulate pub- 
lications upon the subject among their neighbors — 
Let every lamily take one or more anti-slavery news- 
papers and periodicals. There may be a few who 
will shut their eyes and close their ears and remain 
incorrigible, refusing to come to the light of truth 
and be converted. 

While slavery continues, our liberties are in dan- 
ger. I mean the liberties of the whites — the liber- 
ties of the laborini; class in the free states. The la- 
borinii; class in the slave holding states are now and 
have alivays been slaves. We wish to do away this 
system of slavery — this system of oppression. This 
system of holding men, women and children as pro/? - 
ei'ty — as goods and chattels. Subjecting them to 
labor without wages, against their will 5 and drives 
them into the field like cattle by the whip. This 
system takes away all their rights and privileges, 
which the American Declaration of Independence 
has declared to be " inalienable;" conferred upon 
the whole human race by their Creator himself. — 
J^ights which no man, or body of men, have any right 
to take away, without infringing upon the preroga- 
tive of God. Without committing a great sin against 
God and a most abominable outrage upon the rights 
of mankind. Slavery must fall before the "northern 
light" of investigation — of free discussion. Already 
do the upholders of despotism in the south, and their 
minions and abettors in the north, feel its dazzling 
rays. Already do they wince with terror at the ap- 
proach of the light of truth, and try to do all they 
can to extinguish the glowing flame. Slaveholders 
have sense enough to know that the liberty of free 
discussion will preserve our liberties and destroy 
slavery; hence their attempts to put down free dis- 
cussion, that they may preserve their slavery. 

Some people oppose letting the light of abolition 
into a town for fear it will cause division in society 



13 

in some particular church or congregation. Tliat is, 
they have more regard for the few composing the par- 
ticular church they belong to than they have for two or 
three millions of the human race now held in intermin- 
able and hopeless bondage. So, according to their idea 
of things, the slaves in this nominally free rej)ublic 
may continue another generation to wear their galling 
chains for any thing which they will do, for fear that in 
discussing the subject, their church will be rent asunder. 
Charity! whither hast thou fled! Selfishness! how 
thou dost predominate ! ! These fears will never re- 
form the world. They will never " undo the heavy 
burdens," nor " let the oppressed go free." What if a 
church is rent ! If a church crumbles to pieces by hav- 
ing the light of truth to shine into it, let it go to ))ieces. 
If the truth destroys it, is no true church ; let it fall. 
It is " built upon the sand" of error. If preaching the 
truth destroys a church, it is composed of rotten mate- 
rials. A certain writer, in a certain periodical, has the 
following account of 

SALVATION BY A WRECK. 

"Paul and his company were saved by the ship's go- 
ing to pieces. ' And (he) commanded that they which 
could swim should cast themselves first into the sea 
and get to land ; and the rest, some on boards^ and 
some on broken pieces of the ship. And so it came to 
pass that they all escaped safe to land. — Acts. 27 c. 
43 & 44 V* 

*AIready have some who have left Rev. Mr. Sayward's meeting 
in consequence of the mob there, been struck under conviction of 
their sinful state by nature, and have experienced the pardoning 
mercy of God in Christ, by means of the preaching where they at- 
tended. This may, I tiiink, be called " Salvation by a wreck." — 
In consequence of the mob a great part of the Society have been 
scattered to at least five different meetings. Some go to the Meth- 
odist, in the east part of the town. Some to the Christian Society, 
Rev. Mr. Morton's — some to the Friends Meeting, both situated in 
the west part of the town. Some go to the Baptist, Rev. Mr, Ting- 
ley's, Foxborough. Some to the Orthodox Congregationalisis 
meeting, Rev. Mr. Allen's, Norton. So some of them, if not t!l, 
Will have a chance to hear evangelical preaching. 



14 

" I am fully sntisfuMl thai tliore must be ;i miivprsal 
^vrcc'k of all ('iMiomiiiations as they riovv exist, before 
the churcii of God can saleiy reach tiie millenial holi- 
ness, happiness and glory. 

" Many, very many, truly pious and devoted friends 
of God, are now on board, bearing different names, and 
through the influence of partial error, are more or less 
divided, and no doubt a wreck will take ])lace, which 
will oi)lige each one to lose his hold of every thing un- 
scriptural and erroneous, and throw them all t<g ether 
on the solid rock of truth and holiness. How this will 
be lullij accomplished it is impossible for us at present, 
])erhaps, filly to conceive ; but it is altogether proba- 
ble, that, it will be partly accomplished by great moral 
questions, like that oi' slavery, for instance, coming up 
before the public mind — which, will enlist in their be- 
half the co-operation of some of all denominations, 
while others of their brethren will oppose them in such 
a work of faith, of labor, and of love. 

" This opposition will have a tendency to cure them 
of sectarianism, and place them in circumstances more 
impartially than ever, to test the principles of different 
sects by the word of God ; and also to prepare them 
more readily te sacrifice their denominational partiali- 
tics.for truth and duty. 

'' It is in vain for us to suppose that the present dif- 
ferent denominations, as such, will ever engage on the 
side of Christ in the great battle that wdl precede the 
millenium, and which will wax hotter and hotter, until 
Babylon shall fall, and the kingdom of Anti-Christ be 
destroyed forever ! 

" Already, it is believed has this battle commenced 
— ' Christ is riding forth/rom conquering to conquer' — 
Happy are they who are not found fighting against God. 
' Perilous times,' noiv are, and will continue to be more 
so. ' Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his gar- 
ments lest he walk naked and men see his shame.' " 
Pure Testimony, JVo. l,for July, 1835. 



15 

Mansfield, Nov. 1836. 

The preceding was penned but a few days after 
the mob of the iOth Oct. last, but as many stories 
are got up and put in circulation by the opponents of 
abolitionists tending to criminate and re-criminate 
them, I have thought it necessary to sa*y a few words 
more upon the subject. I am sorry that Rev. Mr. 
Sayward has endeavored to slander Mr. Burleigh, by 
circulating the report that he was addicted to drink- 
ing ardent spirits; but I believe not ten persons in 
the town can be found to believe it. I sent a letter 
to Mr. Sayward, wishing to be informed where he 
got his information, and whether he beUeved it, Slc. 
After waiting several weeks, without an answer, I 
sent him another letter, but no answer has been re- 
ceived. He has also attempted to create a belief that 
Mr. Burleigh is a hypocrite, or that he does not be- 
lieve or care any thing about what he lectures upon, 
but lectures for the sake of his salary, &.c. I can- 
not perceive what reason he has to judge him so, nor 
by what rule, unless by a rule that the old adage 
calls a, just judgment, that is; that he judges him 
by himself! ! 

Mr. Simeon White of Mansfield,a respectable mem- 
ber of Rev. Mr. Tingley's Church in Foxborough, 
has been accused by Mr. Sayward and some in his 
society, as being the sole cause of Mr. Burleigh's lec- 
turing in Mansfield, /or the purpose of breaking up 
Mr. Sayward's Congregation, in order to aid the 
Baptists, &c. I would state that this story is entire- 
ly destitute of foundation in truth. There is not the 
least thing, to my knowledge, to make the story out 
of It is nothing but unfounded jealousy. Mr. Bur- 
leigh was engaged to lecture by the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, for the purpose of giving light and 
information to the people on the momentous subject 
of slavery — the system which holds in chains one 
sixth part of the inhabitants of the United States, who 

3 



IG 

ought to be free, and not for the purpose of creating 
any undue excitement, causing any division, produ- 
cing any mob, gaining proselites to any religious sect 
nor to foster any unkind feelings. The way to have 
prevented any mob, was for men of influence to fall 
in with the cause of truth, humanity, justice and be- 
nevolence, and not to oppose it in word or deed. — 
Let them, at least, not refuse to read the sentiments 
of abolitionists. If this had been done, I am per- 
suaded, the town would not have been disgraced by 
a mob. 

I saw Mr. Burleigh in Providence, sometime in 
July, and stated to him that I should be pleased to 
have him lecture in Mansfield, and gave him an invi- 
tation, knowing that several had expressed a wish 
to hear an anti-slavery lecture. He said he thought 
he would before many weeks, I mentioned to him 
that I thought it would be best not to lecture in 
Mansfield till after haying, as most of the men would 
be engaged in making their hay, so that they could 
not well attend on a week day. Towards the last of 
August word was sent me that he was going to lec- 
ture in Foxborough, and that he could lecture in 
Mansfield, on Sunday, Aug. 28th, at 5 o'clock P. 
M. I accordingly gave the necessary information, 
and arrangements were made to obtain the Centre 
Meeting House, by obtaining the consent of the Par- 
ish Committee. AH the committee, three in number 
gave their consent, and he came and lectured to quite 
a large congregation, without hindrance or molesta- 
tion. An attempt was made, however, by Mr. Fos- 
ter Bryant, (who has been very officious in opposing 
abolition here,) to induce Solomon Pratt, Esq. and 
others to assist him in passing resolutions for the 
purpose, as is supposed, of breaking up the meeting, 
or stop the lecture. Esq. Pratt honorably refused to 
assist him, and attended the meeting. 

Just before the lecturer arrived, when a consider- 



17 

able number had collected, this Mr. Foster Bryant 
was extremely boisterous in denouncing abolitionists 
and abolitionism. He accused abolitionists of send-> 
ing incendiary and seditious publications and prints 
among the slaves of the southern states, exciting them 
to rise against their masters and produce an insurrec- 
tion, ifec. I told him there was no evidence of that, 
but the contrary was the fact, and requested and 
challenged him to produce those publications, prints, 
c^c. which were sent for that purpose. He said he 
had not got them with him, but that he would pro- 
duce them ivithin one fortnight. I told him I had 
often heard those things stated before, among other 
slanders, by many, but those publications 2vere never 
forth coming — they had never been produced, and 
that he could not find any such papers — there never 
had been any such printed and sent to the south. — 
More than a month has now elapsed and he has not 
brought them forward — he cannot find them.* But, 
yet, I suppose he has not the moral honesty, or reso- 
lution to acknowledge his error, or cease to oppose 
the benevolent and godlike doings of the abolitionists. 
The first opposition, that 1 knew of by any person 
of influence in town, against abolition, or having a 
lecture delivered, was manifested by Maj. Elkanah 
Bates, one of the County Commissioners, on Wednes- 
day previous to Mr. Burleigh's lecturing,! This 

*More than twelve months have now expired, and Mr. Foster 
Bryant has not redeemed his pledge in producing those incendiary 
publications sent to the south. — Nov. 1337. 



+1 have hitherto had a favorable opinion of Maj, Bates, so much 
so, that when the Convention met at Taunton, which nominated 
County Commissioners, I was admitted as tlie only delegate from 
Mansfield, and made the nomination of Maj. Bates, which was sec- 
onded by Mr. Joshua Britton from Easton, who I had invited in. — 
Had it not so happened, I presume he would not have been put up. 
For this act I was severely censured when I came home, by Mr. 
Simeon Green of Mansfield, telling me that my confidence was 
misplaced, &e. Mr. Bales was put up on ihe lemperance ground. 



18 

has been alluded to before. On being asked if he 
would be pleased to attend and hear an anti-slavery 
lecture, replied rather petulently^ "No, I would go 
as far the other way !" When reasoned with on the 
subject of abolition he appeared excited, and said^ 
"I have done all I could to keep it [abolition] out of 
town.^^ Some present understood him to say that 
he '•'had done all he could, and should do all he could 
to keep it out of town." What success he has had 
the public may judge. For myself I had not the 
least suspicion that he had done any thing to " keep 
it out of town," only I knew he had refused to read 
those papers and books which treated upon the sub- 
ject when offered him. What he has done since to 
effect it, I have no more means of knowing than oth- 
ers. He has not, however, been very successful. — 
Although he has, undoubtedly, succeeded to keep 
" abolition out of" his own heart by refusing to read 
or hear lectures upon the subject, or to give it an im- 
partial examination, yet the cause has got good foot- 
hold in the town and progresses most wonderfully. — 
Many judge and condemn a cause without giving it 
an impartial investigation. Solomon, in the book of 
Proverbs says ; '*He that answereth a matter before 
he heareth it, it is folly and shame unto him."18c,13v. 
Abolitionism is condemned most by those who 
have examined it least. Anti-slavery has in its ranks 
men of purest sentiments, brightest talents, and the 
most noble christian graces. Many ministers of the 
gospel, and christians of all denominations. Are not 
their solemn warnings, admonitions, sentiments, views 
and opinions, worthy of the least notice and atten- 
tion? If they were all atheists, deists, infidels, and 
men of abandoned character, there might be some 
propriety in refusing to read their publications. But 
as it is, those who harden their hearts, and close 
their eyes, and stop their ears, have no excuse. No, 
no more than those who raised a mob, stopped their 



ears, and rushed upon St. Stephen and stonned him 
to death for preaching the truth, in opposition to a 
wicked world. The words of Solomon in the above 
text is very appropriate to those characters. 

FIRST INDICATION OF MOBOCRACY 
IN MANSFIELD. 

On Monday evening, August 29th, 1836, Mr. Bur- 
leigh lectured at the Methodist Meeting House, situ- 
ated in the easterly part of the town. There he and 
the friends of the cause, were annoyed by a set of 
noisy fellows, "0/ the baser sort,^^ who appeared tO' 
be alike regardless of good manners and the whole- 
some laws of the land. There was not enough noise 
or disturbance to prevent the lecture. After Mr. Bur- 
leigh had finished his lecture, Foster Bryant rose up 
and expressed a wish to take the sense of the meet- 
ing in regard to the lecture, and wished to have a 
moderator chosen. It was seconded by one of his 
party. Col. Josiah Bird, of Dedham, singing mas- 
ter, was declared to be chosen. He was the man 
who, in the lyceum in Mansfield, on the winter pre- 
vious, when the subject of slavery was debated, said 
the negroes do not belong to the human family; that 
they were not human beings, but an intermediate 
race between man and the monkey, ourang outang ! 
A very consistent advocate of slavery, truly ! After 
Col. Bird was chosen Chairman, Mr. Bryant read 
something in a low tone, which but few could hear. 
Said that slavery was justified by the Bible, <Slc. — 
He requested Mr. Burleigh to read the passages 
named by him, which he did. Col. Bird made a 
speech, finding fault with the lecturer — condemned 
anti-slavery — called it incendiary, &c. said some- 
thing which he said he would throw into Mr. Bur- 
leigh's teeth. Mr. Burleigh has a good set of teeth 
and I did not think Col. Bird could break them out 
by argument. He might by a brick bat, the greatest 



20 

imd most solid argument which mobs make use of. 
l\Ir, Bryant read his resolutions. The mob were cal- 
led in from without to vote, and helped to seats by 
Mr. John Rogers. His resolution fell in a wofiil 
ininority^ nearly two to one. notwithstanding some of 
his party held up both hands. Mr. Burleigh had lib- 
erty to reply to his accusers, which he did in a mas- 
terly manner, and totally discomfited them. Mr. 
Bryant, Bird &. Co. made me think of the Lilliputi- 
ans attacking Gulliver. 

The opposers of emancipation contend that we have 
no right to interfere with slavery in the Southern part 
of this union, nor even in the District of Colum- 
bia — no right to interfere in the concerns of others, 
however atrocious their acts may be towards others 
of their fellow creatures; yet such men as Josiah 
Bird, of Dedham, and Foster Bryant^ of New York, 
not inhabitants of Mansfield, assume to themselves 
the ^^right to interfere"^ with our concerns and op- 
pose the doings of the peaceable abolitionists of the 
town, and do those things which have a tendency to 
encourage mobocracy. 

On the night of the above lecture, some malicious 
and ill disposed person or persons who are ^ 'not Jit 
for freedom''^ but are fitting themselves for the state 
prison, broke into the Methodist Meeting House 
where the lecture had been delivered, and broke the 
chandalier. Pro-slavery men say, that the blacks 
"are not fit for freedom;" but I think not one in 
ten thousand would be guilty of such a base and un- 
principled act. To wantonly destroy the property, 
under cover of night, of a peaceable and quiet socie- 
ty, merely because they had the kindness to open 
their doors for a lecture in behalf of the poor, degra- 
ded, oppressed colored inhabitants of these United 
States, who are not allowed to plead their own cause, 
seems only to belong to the acts of demons rather 
than men who are commanded*^ love their neigh- 



*^1 



bors as themselves. The above was the first out-break- 
ings of mobocracy in Mansfield. 

Rev. Francis Dane, the Methodist minister who 
preaches there gave his consent for the lecture, but 
when the time arrived, absented himse If, because he 
had heard it whispered that some in his society 
disliked it, and fearing, as I was informed, that there 
might be a disturbance. He then, advised the people 
of his society to have no more lectures there — that he 
surrendered his own feelings upon the subject, for the 
sake of peace. This gave offence to many m his socie- 
ty, and the mob party then claimed him as on their side. 
Some of his church felt hurt by the do-nothing stand 
he took, after having avowed himself an abolitionist.-- 
Many thought that had Mr. Dane attended the lecture, 
his presence and influence might have prevented the 
disturbance 

On Sunday, Oct, 9th, at half past 4 P. M. Mr. Bur- 
lei'-h lectured at Rev. Mr. Morton's Meeting House, 
to\ large and peaceable audience. No disturbance, 
except towards the close, when Guilford Hodges en- 
tered with a heavy staff or cudgel, stood m the aisle 
and contradicted the lecturer. He was immediately, 
unceremoniously conducted out by the constable.— 
Hod'^es appeared then to be stimulated by a kind of 
spirit incongruous to good behavior, inimical to free 
discussion, and adverse to civil liberty ; and friendly 
only to slavery and human degradation ; friendly to 
that system which makes man a brute beast. 

Mansfield, Dec 1836. 
We have some here, in this town, who say they are 
opposed to slavery ; that they consider it wrong alto- 
gether ; yet they will do nothing against it, but oppose 

*Itis a fact that he has not been known to pray for the slaves in 
public for a long time, and that he has avowed this to be a fact- 
yet he professes, when among abolitionists, to ^e a warm Inend to 
ihe anti-slavery cause — June 30/A, 1837. 



^2 

any attempt which is made to uproot itolit of the coun- 
try, or to iirouse the sleeping energies of the people in 
order to call tlieir benevolence into action. They will 
not join an anti-slaverj society, nor even sign a petition 
to Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District 
of Columbia, over which Congress has " exclusive ju- 
risdiction in all cases whatsoever." One man a few 
days ago, refused to sign a petition for the above object 
alleging as a reason that the slave-holders ought to be 
])aid for their slaves before they gave them up. That 
they ought not to be compelled to give up their ^^rop- 
ei^ty unless they received a compensation. So, under 
that consideration, he refused to sign the petition. I 
tried to argue the case with him. I asked him if the 
laborer ought not to be paid for his work ? If a man 
ought to be compelled to labor for another against his 
will, and in addition to that not be paid for it ? I ask- 
ed him by whose labor had the planters of the South 
grown rich, and their families maintained? He ac- 
knowledged it was by the labor of the slaves. Yes, 
said I, the slaves earned them their property and have 
not been paid for their services, and now you are bare- 
ly willing that the slaves may be liberated and sent 
empty away without one cent to pay them for their 
years of toil, only upon the condition that the slave hold- 
ers shall be paid the price of them ! Pay them for ceas- 
ing to wrong their fellow men ! Pay them for doing 
their duty and giving the blacks their rights ! What 
manifest injustice ! Surely abolitionists have a work 
to do at the north to exterminate this pernicious doc- 
trine before they go south. The Scripture says, that 
*■'- the laborer is worthy of his hire." Some slaves have 
worked five years, some ten, some twenty, some thirty 
years and more. Some have earned for their masters 
three times the sum their masters paid for them, deduct- 
ing all expense of maintaining them. Some five times, 
and some, perhaps ten times their original cost. Now 
does not justice require that the laborer should be paid 



for his labor. Let them pay the long arrearages clue 
their colored laborers for all their work, and when 
that is done It will be time enough to talk about com- 
pensation for the masters. Let them comj)ensate 
their laborers first. 

Gov. M'Dufiie of South Carolina, cleared by fifty 
slaves the last season, 15,000 dollars from his cotton 
crop, after deducting the expenses of clothing, over- 
seer and driver, cotton baoro-inw, rent of land, &.c. 
which sum averages 300 dollars earned by each hand. 
Five years labor would amount to 1500 dollars, 
which would be enough to pay for at least two slaves. 
So we see that fifty laborers are subjected to the 
control o^ one inan\ driven into the field by the whip 
of the overseer like dum beasts, made to labor inces- 
santly against their wills, to enable this one man to 
riot in pride and luxury. Is this right? Is this our 
boasted liberty? Is this according to the declara- 
tion of American Independence, which says " all men 
are created equal?" Let slave holders pay their la- 
borers for their work before they talk of compensa- 
tion. Strict justice requires that the slaves should 
be paid in full for their work and immediately set at 
liberty. But instead of acquiescing in this principle 
of justice, reason and common sense, some people 
are so blinded to a sense of what is right, that they 
are willing the slave holders should keep back the 
wages due their laborers, and still contirme to hold 
them in bondage, not pay them one cent, and not lib- 
erate them only upon the condition that the slave 
holder should be paid for them. Was there ever a 
greater infatuation? Who are they who ought to 
pay slave holders for doing justice, by restoring their 
laborers to their just rights — by giving slaves their 
liberty so long unjustly withheld? Surely not abo- 
litionists. They do not believe in buying and selling 
human beings. They do not believe in giving to the 
rich who have defrauded the poor, and then sending 



24 

the poor, empty away, who have earned all these 
riches. Notwithstanding the poor slaves are the onLy 
working class in the southern states, and have earn- 
ed their masters what riches they possess, yet some 
people are not willing they should enjoy their free- 
dom unless the masters are well paid — they want 
ihem doubly paid, nnd then they are barely willing 
that the poor industrious slave should go without one 
cent to pay him for his services in making his master 
rich! Was there ever more unjust reasoning? — 
This man finding his argument lall to the ground 
took a different position, and said, that he thought 
that most of the slaves did not earn more than enough 
to pay their living; that they were a bill of cost, &.c. 
I replied if that was the case, surely we ought not to 
pay their masters for giving up what is to them a 
bill of cost — what is worth nothinij to them! Shall 
we pay them for giving up what is of no advantage 
for them to keep? This is no argument for retain- 
ing them in bondage. Many of them who have ran 
away and gone to a land of liberty have more than 
earned their living since. Some have become rich. 

Some say that if the slaves had their liberty they 
could not maintain themselves, and that they would 
not take their freedom if offered them. Let the mas- 
ters try it. There are in the city of Cincinnati 476 
colored persons who have paid 215,522 dollars to 
their masters for the liberty to own their own bodies 
and souls. This shows that they not only desire 
their liberty, but are capable of maintaining them- 
selves. The slaves of the south maintain themselves 
and their masters too, in all their idleness, debauch- 
ery, gaming, horse-racing, Slc. 

This making slaves of the working class of the 
South has a tendency to render labor in the north 
disreputable, and the laboring class degrading. It 
has a tendency to make the laboring class of the 
northern states, also slaves. In fact, as I have be- 



25 

lore stated. Gov. M'Dutlie of South Carolina pre- 
dicts that it will take place within a quarter of a cen- 
tury. And I am sure it will, if aholition principles 
do not obtain the ascendancy, and triumph over slave- 
ry in this country. If slave holding principles in- 
crease in the minds of the people for twenty-five 
years to come, as they have done for twenty-five 
years past, the laboring class will become slaves ac- 
cording to t^ prediction of Gov. M'Duffie. Who 
would have thought, ten years ago, that a mob would 
arise in the peaceable town of Mansfield and prevent 
the delivery of a discourse against slavery and in fa- 
vor of human liberty? 

" A communication has been made to the Legis- 
lature of this state, by Gov. Everett laying beibre 
them certain documents received from the Execu- 
tives and Legislatures of several of the Southern 
States, setting forth sundry complaints against abo- 
litionists and anti-slavery societies in non-slave hold- 
ing states, particularly in this Commonwealth, and 
requesting Legislative action, thereon, even to the 
suppression of anti-slavery societies, and of the peace- 
able meetings of abolitionists, by penal enactments 
prohibiting the same." Whenever this request of the 
South is complied with, there is an end to liberty in 
this state. From what we have seen transacted in 
this town, we have reason to believe some are willing 
to comply with the arrogant demands of the south 
and pass gag laws to shut our mouths and prevent 
our talking or writing against slavery, so that we 
cannot utter a word in favor of human rights and lib- 
erty. It stands us in hand to be alive to the subject. 
It is an old adage, that " eternal vigilance is the 
price of liberty.'''' Let us be up and doing. Let us 
labor with those who are engaged in this good cause 
to enlighten our own minds by reading anti-slavery 
publications, so that we may be able to impart light 
to our friends and neighbors and induce them to read 



26 

ami reflect upon the subject. All that is wanting to 
jiivc success to this glorious cause, is information. — 
When the great mass of the people arel'ully informed 
upon the subject, the work is done. If all the non 
slave holding states were composed of abolitionists, 
slavery would not exist in the South one year. It 
would be abolished; and that too without bloodshed, a 
The slave holding states have twent^^members in-/**' 
Congress in consequence of their slave representa-/ 
tion. Notwithstanding that, the free states have a 
decided majority in Congress, but we have many 
dough-faces there who are willing to succumb to the 
South, and surrender our liberties to Southern dicta- 
tion. Men who always vote ^ith slave-holders. The 
South are now for admitting the rebel province of 
Texas, now nominally called a nation, into this 
union for the purpose of upholding slavery, by form- 
ing tive or six large slave holding states, so that 
slavery may still maintain its ascendency. For an 
able exposition on the Texas controversy, the reader 
is referred to Rev, Dr. Channing's letter to Henry 
Clay. Price 12 1-2 cents. 

If the principle of the abolitionists are wrong,why 
do not their opponents meet them in fair argument 
and prove them so, and convince them of their error? 
Why do they not succeed and icrite them down? 
They have thirty or more presses to the abolitionists 
one. But notwithstanding this — notwithstanding 
the aristocracy and slave holding interest are arrayed 
on their side, yet abolition gains ground. Why is 
it so? Because it \s founded on tmith and righteous- 
ness, and universal benevolence, and meets the favor 
and approbation of God; or rather God is the first 
moving cause and blesses and prospers his own work. 
No weapon formed against it shall prosper. I be- 
lieve the greater part of our opposcrshave a certain 
jwemonition that abolitionism is correct; hence they 
dare not read anti-slavery publications for fear they 



27 

sluill brconie conviiiccd. They will not read the 
truth h'st they become converted. Hence they re- 
sort to mobs to frighten it away. But this only in- 
creases the flame. lliis causes people to look with 
more intense interest into the merits of the case — 
By looking with honest hearts, they are sure to see 
abolition sentiments are just and true — founded on 
the word of God and the noblest principles of benev- 
olence and love to all mankind. But the friends of 
slavery and enemies of abolition have girded on their 
armor for the combat. Not the sword of truth — not 
the weapon of argument — not the armor of moral and 
intellectual warfare, ready and willing to meet the 
friends of emancipation face to face, in lair argument, 
but only hy mob force. Iheir oi\\y solid ar'^iimtnts 
are stones, brick bats, rotten eggs, &c. and in the 
town of Mansfield they have endeavored to frighten 
away abolition principles and prevent the hearing of 
truth, by the beat of drums, blowing the bugle, and 
ringing and tolling the church bell. 

Perhaps what I have said on a previous page re- 
specting Rev. Mr. Sayward, does not convey to the 
reader an adequate idea, or plain view of the stand 
he has taken, or the part he has acted in regard to 
abolition. I will try, though briefly, to do him jus- 
tice. Mr. Sayward has prcfessedio be an abolition- 
ist. One of those, I suppose, who says, *' I am as 
much an abolitionist as you — But" — He however, 
signed the call for the New-England Anti-Slavery 
Convention held in Boston in May 18865 ^^7^ ^^^ '^ 
an abolitionist — that he is for mild measures. So is 
every true abolitionist. Says that the abolitionists 
go toofast'^ that the abolitionists of this town ought 
not to have persisted in holding the meeting of the 
10th October, because they knew, he says, that there 
would be a disturbance; pretends that he was about 
to bring the town over to the cause by a plan he had 
in contemplation; without any excitement, disturb- 



28 

ancc, or couiusion; by mild, peaceable, persuasive 
ineans. What a |)ily he liad not put liis phui in ope- 
ration sooner! It is said it is never too hite to do 
good. Why has he not set about it s nee? Oli! 
tiie liot-lieaded aliolilionists have kicked his dish bot- 
tom up and frustrated ah liis benevolent phms! We 
have iieard noihing from him in the cause since. I 
{"ear liis abolitionism is but skin deep. But am I 
not too censorious? He had several causes on hand; 
temperance, moral reform, and anti-slavery. That 
lie was, as I learn by liim, going on with a course of 
lectures upon those different subjects. That he 
had given notice from the pulpit and appointed the 
day and hour ^vhen he was to deliver a lecture upon 
one of those subjects. He went to the Meeting 
House at the time appointed, but behold none came 
to hear him. ^I'he bell was not run^ and he had no 
audience. So he went home. Of course there was 
no mob — no disturbance. So careful was he of ex- 
citement, that no person was sufficiently ixcited to 
move his feet to hear the lecture, although the 
weather was good. I have not heard of his attempt- 
ing it again. So slavery will continue another centu- 
ry for any thing he will do. There is a lion in the 
way — popular sentiment; influence of the great; or 
something else, equally formidable. 

The anti-slavery cause wants men who are willing 
to engage heartily in the cause, and endure through 
evil nport as well as good report. Men who will 
not neglect known duty because it happens to be un- 
popular. We do not want men who are constanly 
stutlying seljish expediency instead of plain duty. 

Some people contend that we have no right to dis- 
cuss slavery, here in the free states, because the Con- 
stitution of the United States, say they, guarantees 
slavery to the southern states. The Constitution of 
this free country guarantee slavery !! What a libel 
on liberty! What a libel on the Declaration of In- 



29 

di'pendcnrc ! ! The word slave or slarc7ij is not to 
be found in the Constitution. 1 here are htit three 
nrticles in that iiisirument which can be const riud 10 
mean slavery, and these do not guarantee it. 

The first alhision to the existence of slavery is to l)o 
inferred from the second section of the first Article, ap- 
portioning representation, " Including those bound to 
service for a term of vears, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three-fifths of «/Z o^/icr persons " As the lact is 
known that there are slaves, it is presumed that they 
are the persons meant, but the Constitution does not 
say so. This does not prohibit the abolition of slavery. 

The second allusion to slavery, is in the ninth sec- 
tion of the first article. " The migration or importa- 
tion of such persons as any of the states now existing, 
shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by 
the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hun- 
dred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on 
such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each per- 
son." This is not guaranteeing slavery, but only re- 
straining Congress from putting an end to the foreign 
slave trade, until 1808. That is, if the section means 
slaves. But it can be construed with equal propriety, 
to mean any other persons ; Irishmen for instance, or 
any other foreigners. So far as it applies to the argu- 
ment at all, it is in favor of abolition and against slave- 
ry, particularly since 180S, when the foreign slave trade 
was abolished, and the act is declared piracy, punisha- 
ble with death. 

The third allusion to slavery, and the one most relied 
on, by the advocates of slavery, is in the third section 
of the fourth article. " No person held to service or 
labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into 
another, shall not, in consequence of any law or regu- 
lation therein, be discharged from such services, or la- 
bor ; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to 
whom such service or labor may be due." This is a 
provision requiring one state to deliver up fugitives from 



36 

nnotli(>r state, who arc held to serviee or lnl)or by the 
laws oi" that state. But it no nunv. i:;nai-antees slavery 
than it does apprenticeship, or the fullihiient of a con- 
tract, hy a pei'son who agrees to wa)rk for another, and 
runs away before he completes his engagement. Ac- 
cording to its literal meaning, taken just as it reads, it 
would not apply to slaves, as they cannot be said to 
owe their masters any thing — there can be no such ser- 
vice or labor due. The debt is the other way. The 
masters owe their slaves for their labor. But suppos- 
ing the Constitution guarantees slavery. Supposing it 
says, slavery shall be perpetual, and shall never be 
abolished? What then? Is there not a provision in 
the same instrument for amendments? Yes, and it has 
already been amended by the addition of twfilve new 
articles. The very first article of tiie amendments for- 
bids Congress to pass any law " abridging the freedom 
of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people 
peaceably to assemble and petition the government for 
a redress of grievances." So it seems the Constitu- 
tion gives us the liberty to speak, talk, ivr^ite, print, 
publish, nnd to jjetition the government. Where is 
the guarantee, so much talked about, which prohibits 
our meeting and discussing slavery — which forbids the 
people of the north to speak or write against slavery? 
No where, but in the brain of some deluded anti-aboli- 
tion fanatic. But supposing our forefathers guaranteed 
slavery, are we, their descendants, and our posterity, 
forever under obligation to prolong its existence? If 
this principle is correct, it cuts off all reform, all im- 
provement w^hatever. Whatever is once established 
by law, according to this doctrine, must forever remain 
binding^ upon those who coirie after. According to this 
our forefathers did wrong in casting off the yoke of 
Great Britain. No ! away with such slavish doctrine. 
It is ind€ed a slavish doctrine, unworthy to be em- 
braced by freemen, and fit only for despots. But it is 
a doctrine much used by slave holders of the south and 

4 



31 

ti.eir minions in the north, for want of hetter argu- 
ments. '• Drowning men catch at straws." 

The Constitution of the United States guarantees 
slavery, say the advocates of the system. We have 
seen in the preceding extracts from that instrument, 
which is all that can be construed to have a bearing 
upon the subject, that there is no such thing. There 
is nothing in the Constitution which forbids emanci- 
pation. Should slavery be immediately abolished it 
would be in harmony with the Constitution. But I 
can j)rove that the Constitution guaranties the abo- 
lition of slavery, and that our last treaty with Great 
Britain giiarantees its abolition. The tenth article 
of this treaty reads as follows: 

" Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable 
with the principles of humanity and justice, and 
whereas, both His Majesty and the United States 
are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its 
entire abolition^ it is hereby agreed that both the 
contracting parties shall use their best endeavors to 
accomplish so desirable an object," 

The eleventh article says: " This treaty shall be 
binding on both j)ar tie s.^^ This treaty, it will be re- 
membered, was signed and sealed at Ghent, the 24th 
Dec. 1814, and afterwards approved by the Presi- 
dent of the United States and the Senate. The 
President himself a slave holder — a part of the Sen- 
ators slave holders, and also some of the Plenipoten- 
tiaries. The Plenipotentiaries on the part of the 
United States, were John Ciuincy Adams, James A. 
Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel, and Albert 
Gallatin. Can there be a more solemn pledge to 
guarantee the abolition of this most infamous traffic? 
Great Britain has fulfilled her part of the treaty. — 
What are the United States doing to fulfil her part? 
Riveting the chains of slavery the tighter! While 
France and other nations of Europe are co-operating 
with England in capturing slave ships on the coast 



32 

of Africa, President Jackson refused to co-operate 
with them when appHed to by the government of Eng- 
land. Alas, my country! Look at the tenth article 
of the treaty of Ghent, as quoted above, and then ex- 
amine the sixth article of the Constitution of the 
United States. That article says: " All treaties 
made, or which shall be made, under the authority of 
the United States, shall be the Supreme law of 
THE land: and the Judges in every state shall be 
bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws 
of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 

This treaty then binds every citizen of this nation, 
north and south, to use their best endeavors for the 
entire abolition o^ ihe iraf^c in slaves. The aboli- 
tionists are fulfilling the terms of the treaty, as much 
as they can, while their opponents are breaking them 
and violating the Constitution and the ^'Supreme law 
of the land.'''' 

To show still further the gross inconsistency of 
those who oppose abolition, I would state that I was 
talking with a man upon the subject, who opposed 
freeing the slaves of the Southern States, on the 
ground that the blacks were the only people who 
could endure to work in that hot climate — that the 
whites could not stand the heat to labor, &c. I ask- 
ed him if a black man could not work as a hired man 
stimulated by wages, as well as under the fear of the 
overseer'' s lash'] He confessed he did not know but 
he could. Very soon he took the ground that he 
should be willing to have the slaves freed if they 
could all be sent back to Africa. I asked him who, 
in that case would do the work as he had said the 
whites could not labor there? If any part ought to 
be sent away, surely the idle drones, the whites, ought 
to be sent off, and not suffered to live there, on the 
hard earnings of the poor blacks. Yes, he was wil- 
ling to have all the colored people sent out of the 
country, and leave the south without any to till the 



33 

land, rather than tlojustly by them by restoring them 
to Hberty and paying their laborers the proceeds of 
their labor. If the colored people are the only per- 
sons who can labor in that hot climate, surely they 
ought to remain, and if white people cannot endure 
to labor there, they are the ones who have no business 
there, but ought to depart forthwith. I think that 
the laborer who tills the land has the best right to 
the soil, and ought, if any one, to enjoy the fruit of 
his labor. 

The system of amalgamation which accompanies 
slavery, has rendered a large proportion of the slaves 
as white, nearly, as their masters, and if the slave 
holders send them off, they will send off many of their 
own children, and brothers and sisters. In process 
of time all the slaves will be as white as their masters, 
and then color will cease to be a badge of slavery — 
and then laborers of all classes must come under the 
yoke of bondage in the noi^th as well as in the south, 
and the prediction of Gov. M'Duffie will be realized. 
Nothing will save our laborers from all becoming 
slaves to the rich but the success of the principles of 
anti-slavery. Nothing will save the country from 
despotism and bondage but abolitionism. Let every 
man and woman do their duty and '^ come up to the 
help of the Lord against the mighty" and the coun- 
try will yet be saved. 

One of the chief arguments against us is, that we 
of the north are not interested in slavery, and there- 
fore have no business to discuss it. We might with 
equal propriety, whenever we receive a wound in the 
arm or leg, say that the head and rest of the body is 
not interested. Does not the whole system suffer? 
So does the whole system of the union suffer by the 
existence of slavery. The north and the south are 
united like different parts of the human body. When 
one member suffers all suffers. The only thing that 
endangers the union is slavery. Abolish it and the 



34 

union is safe. Continue it and the union is lost, or 
our liberties destroyed. Should tliere be a general 
insurrection of the slaves of the south, the militia of 
the north and free states are liable to be called out to 
suppress it. Are we not ''interested?" The South 
threatens to dissolve the union on account of slavery. 
Are we not then in danger? 

We are interested in demolishing slavery because 
our free citizens, when they go south, if they happen 
to have a colored skin are liable to betaken up. thrust 
into prison, and if they cannot prove their freedom 
by white witnesses, (colored people are not allowed 
as witnesses,) are sold for slaves to pay their jail fees, 
&c. 1 his has frequently been done. A free citizen 
of Massachusetts, named John Tidd, sailed in a ves- 
sel to New Orleans. While there the Captain thrust 
him into the callaboose end came away and left him. 
His case was made known, when some one applied 
to the Mayor of Boston, who wrote to the Mayor of 
New Orleans, stating the facts, and Tidd was releas- 
ed, thus proving that the color of his skin was the 
only thing for which he was detained. Had not the 
Mayor made application for him he would soon have 
been sold for a slave for life. 

We are interested in the slavery of the South, or 
any part of the United States, however remote, be- 
cause we are compelled to deliver up the runaway 
slave to his master, contrary to the plain declaration 
of the Bible, which says*, "Thou shalt not deliver 
unto the master the servant which is escaped from 
his master unto thee: He shall dwell with thee, even 
among you in that place which he shall choose in one 
of thy gates where it liketh him best! Thou shalt 
not oppress him." — Dent. 26d cli. 15 &. 16 v. This 
is contrary to the principle of liberty; contrary to 
our benevolent feelings, and contrary to our con- 
sciences and our notions of right and wrong. We 
would rather help a fellow creature out of trouble 



tlian t(i thrust hiiii into it. i lie ri^lit of m coniinon 
liumiaaif^, aJl *wer [he wdyMi, -pleads t'br'fl«w>slave — 
Wherever man is suffering under i^noranee and op- 
pression he is entitled to our sympathy. If lie is as 
iar off as China or the i'^ast Indies, it is not only our 
right, but our duty to feel for him and aid him. 

Not many years will roll away before slavery will 
be abolished throughout the world. Ensiland has 
already aboHshed it in her dominions The former 
Spanish Colonics have done much in the work. — 
France is about it, and Spain and Portugal are pre- 
paring the way. The result of emancipation in the 
British West Indies is glorious. Must the United 
States, which boast so much o^ liberty^ be the laf^t 
to let go the iron grasp of slavery, and let the oppres- 
sed go free? 

The British government have applied to the gov- 
ernment of the United States to co-operate with thoin 
in putting an end to the slave trade by fitting out 
vessels and repairing to the coast of Africa, and cap- 
turino; all slavers found on the coast. To the dis- 
grace of our/ree(?) government, President Jackson, 
after delaying seven months to answer the request, 
positively refused to lend any assistance wliatever. 
In answer, whether this is not neglecting to fulfd our 
treaty with Great Britain, the reader is referred to 
an article on another page. Other nations are be- 
ginning to tail in with Great Britain and uniting with 
her to put an end to this nefarious traffic. How long 
will America stand back? 

Mansfield, Nov. 6th, 1837. 

This day the first annual meeting of the Mansfield 
anti-slavery society was holden lor the choice of offi- 
cers. The following gentlemen were chosen : 

President^ Dr, Hezehiah Skinner — Vice Presi- 
dents, Schuyler Shepard, Isaac White, Stephen S. 
Shernmn, Horace Skinner — Recording Secretary ^ 



36 
vViiliarn Grover — Corrcspmdiag Secretary^ Isaac 

JSiuce the memorable 10th of Oct. the doors of the 
Centre Meeting House have been closed against ab- 
olition — closed against pleading the cause of the 
poor, oppressed, degraded slave. Rev. Mr. Easton, 
a colored preacher, was permitted to hold an eve- 
ning meeting last spring at the Centre Meeting House 
to speak upon the case of the free colored population, 
and to solicit subscriptions to re-build a church for 
colored people in Hartford. But he was hampered 
and made to promise not to say any thing upon the 
dreadful exciting subject of abolition. So he had to 
be gagged before he could speak there. He men- 
tioned it in his discourse, and said he was not per- 
mitted to speak upon the subject of abolition howev- 
er near and it was to his heart. 

Rev. James H. Saywa'd asked his dismission, 
which was granted, and he gave up the pastoral 
charge at the Centre Meeting House, in June last. — 
He was settled there but two years. He had put 
his hand to the abolition plough and looked back. — 
His case ought to be a warning to others not to 
shrink from duty, or faint in the hour of trial. He 
and his friends were impressed with the idea that if 
he should withdraw from the charge of that society, 
those abolitionists who had left the society would 
come back; but not one has returned, and there is 
not the least probability that they ever will, as long 
as the doors of that house are closed against free dis- 
cussion, They must be very weak and foolish to im- 
agine that the friends to liberty and the rights of the 
slave should come back while the pro-slavery spirit 
rules there. If the members of that society want 
them back, let them open their doors to abolition lec- 
turers and repent of iheir past conduct, and be on 
friendly terms with the lovers of freedom. 

Since a large part of Mr. Say ward's congregation 



37 

left his societ}' in consequence of beins; mobbed, a mem- 
ber of his church said, that he never enjoyed himself so 
well in his life, at meeting, as he has with the few that 
remains ; for said he''it is still times and they are not 
all talking about niggers, niggers." 

MR. C. C. BURLEIGH. 

This indefatigable laborer in the cause of the oppres- 
sed, has been laboring for some time in the state of 
Pennsylvania, where his lectures have been crowned 
with wonderful success. But his exertions in the cause 
have almost worn him out. By repeated speaking he 
has injured his lungs so as to become so hoarse as to 
be unable to speak loud. Thus we see the servants of 
liberty wearing themselves out, and all the thanks they 
have from the pro-slavery gentry, is to be mobbed and 
accused of lecturing for the sake of money, and to get 
office, &c. 

There are some among us who are so much like the 
** Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!" of our Saviour's 
time that they are very particular to "pay tithe of mint, 
and anise, and cummin, and have omitted the weightier 
mailers of the law, judgment, mercy and faith : these 
ought they to have done, and not leave the other un- 
done." — Mat. 23 c. 2Sv. They are very much afraid 
that the sabbath will be violated by having lectures on 
slavery delivered on that day, when at the same time 
they " omit the weightier matters of the law, judgment, 
mercy and faith." An excellent article appeared in 
Zion's Watchman, a Methodist abolition ])aper edited 
by Rev. LaRoy Sunderland and Rev. Timothy Mer- 
rit, New York, from the pen of Rev. George Storrs. 
In Bishop Hedding's Address before the Oneida and 
Genesee Conferences he says : *' Some of the lectur- 
ers have desecrated part of the holy Sabbath, by lec- 
tures on this exciting and political subject." Mr. Storris 
in reply says : " What, I ask, does desecrate signify? 
Answer, * To divert from the purpose to which any 



38 

t\\\u<^ is coiisrcratod.' To u hut is tl:e holy sabl)aili 
("oiiscciiited? Lei our Lord inid Savior answer. 'The 
8a[)hHth was made lor man and not man for the Sab- 
bath.' And what were some of lUft purposes, for man's 
benefit, for wliich olir Lord used the Sabbath ? His 
discipk^s phK'k(;d ears of corn on that daj to satisfy 
their hunger*, and when the Pharisees coniplained that 
they had ' desecrated the holy Sabbath,' our Savior 
justified them fully, and told their accusers if thej^ 'had 
known what this meaneth, I will have mercy and not 
sacrifice, ye would not have condemned the guiltless.^ 
It seems the Pharise es had great regard for the sacrifi- 
ces of the Sabbath, and what would be called in these 
days acts of devotion, while they set lightly by acts of 
mercy, or benevolence to men. Our Savior taught 
them that the latter were to be performed even though 
by doing them, the former were ielt undone, even on 
the Sabbath day. 

" In John, 5th chapter, w^e have an account of an 
act of our Lord in healing an impotent man on the ho- 
ly ' Sabbath ;' and ordering him to carry home his bed. 
The Piiarisees, indeed, believed it was not lawful for 
the man to carry his bed on that day. If it was unlaw- 
ful at all, it was doubtless, politically so ; for it must 
have been the political economy of the Jews that for- 
bade it, if it was forbidden ; and if so, did not our Sa- 
vior meddle with politics ? and what is more awful, too, 
on the ' holy Sabbath !' For this act of' desecrating the 
holy Sabbath,' the Jews sought to slay Jesus !" 

^' Again in Luke 13th we are informed that our 
Lord healed a woman who had a spirit of infirmity 
eitheen years, on the Sabbath. What an ' exciting 
subject' that was ! Even the ruler of the synagogue 
could not keep his nerves still at seeing such a ' dese- 
cration of the holy Sabbath,' and he ' answered with 
indignation, because Jesus had healed on the Sabbath 
day, and said unto the people, there are six days in 
which men ought to work ; in ihem, therefore, come 
5 



39 

and be healed, and not on the Sabbath day.' Hovr 
did our Lord answer this horror stricken ruler, who 
was so shocked for tear the holy Sabbath would be 
desecrated? ' I'hou hypocrite ! doth not each one 
of you, on the Sabbath, loose his ox or his ass from 
the stall, and lead him away to the watering? and 
ought not this woman, whom satan hath bound, lo, 
these eighteen years, be loosed from this bond on the 
Sabbath day?' But we, forsooth, must not say a 
word about loosing two and a half millions, on the 
holy Sabbath, it would desecrate it so, whom Satan 
and his agents have bound, lo, not these eighteen 
years, but they or their ancestors, these two hundred 
years, and 'bowed' them 'together,' so that they can 
in no wise 'lift up' themselves. Let us examine one 
case more, that of a man with a withered hand whom 
our Lord healed on the ' holy Sabbath.' 

" Luke informs us, that the Scribes and Pharisees 
'watched Jesus whether he would heal on the Sab- 
bath day,' but the Savior said, ' I will ask you one 
thing; is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or 
to do evil? to save life or destroy it?' He then pro- 
ceeded to heal the man; ' but it filled with madness,' 
those advocates of the holy Sabbath; they doubtless, 
considered it horribly 'desecrated.' They were so 
devotional on that day, that they could not desecrate 
it to the purpose of doing good to the bodies of men. 
Mark tells us, that our Lord ' looked round about on 
them with anger, being grieved for the hardness of 
their hearts V What anger must he feel, and grief^ 
towards some modern professors, w hose hearts are 
so hard, apparently, that it is a grief to them when 
their brethren, who feel themselves constrained by 
love to God and men, to open their mouths for the 
dumb, presume to ' desecrate the holy Sabbath,' by 
doing what they believe God requires of them. Yes, 
and straightway they forbid us, ' because we follow 
not Colonization, saying, WHOLLY REFRAIN.' 



40 

" Matthew, in <lescrihin2; lliis snino transaction, 
says, 'They asked him [Jesus] is it lawful to heal 
on the Sabbath day? that they might accuse him. — 
And he said unto them, what man shall there be 
among you, that shall have one sheep, and it fall into 
a pit on the Sabbath day, will not lay hold on ii and 
lift it out? How much better, then, is a man than 
a sheep? Wherefore it is lawful to do well on the 
Sabbath days.' 

" Two things are clear in this text. First, a man 
is better than a sheep; therefore, he is not to be re- 
duced to the condition of ' goods and chattels,' or 
made cattle of. Second, it is right to lay hold on a 
sheep on the holy Sabbath, and pull it out of a pit, 
where, possibly, it might not die if left till another 
day. If, then, a sheep, which bears no comparison 
with a man in value, may be, and ought to be laid 
hold of and pulled out of a pit into which it had fal- 
len, on the Sabbath day, and such an action does not 
•desecrate' that holy day, how, I beg leave to know, 
can it be shown that pleading the cause of two and 
a half millions, who have fallen into the horrible pit 
of slavery, on the Sabbath day, is desecrating it?" 

" Let every minister that fears God, open his mouth 
for the dumb on all occasions; the holier the day the 
better. And until the friends of the slaves cast off a 
sort of superstitious^ and unwarrantable regard for 
the Sabbath, which forbids their doing good to the 
bodies as well as to the souls of men, they need not 
expect the cause of the perishing will prevail..'*' 

Although we have an Anti-Slavery Society in 
Mansfield, composed of over three hundred members, 
Baen and women, yet we have not yet done as much 
as some societies with one quarter of that number. — 
It is, however, hardly one year since its organization, 
and we have had but little lecturing on the subject 
of slavery. We want some powerful lecturer to wake 
TQs up. There is no cause but what needs line upon 



41 

line, precept upon precept, to keep it bright and live- 
ly, and to rub oft' the rust that is apt to gather. Even 
religious societies composed of persons who profess 
to have passed from darkness to light and to be ren- 
ovated in the spirit of their minds, need constant ad- 
monition lest they backslide and forget their duty. — 
So here. We in Mansfield are not more tl^aui half 
awake to the great sin and abominations of slavery. 
We do not lay fully at heart the Apostle Paul's ad- 
monition to " Remember them that are in bonds as 
bound with them; and them which suffer adversity," 
&.C. Let us try to put ourselves in the slave's con- 
dition. '1 he nearer we can come to this the more 
qualified we shall be to do our duty. Let us obey 
the golden rule, to do unto others as we would wish 
them to do unto us were we situated like them. We 
are commanded to 'love our neighbors as ourselves.' 

More Anti-Slavery newspapers, and publications 
ought to be taken. I know of some individuals,who 
profess to have renounced the world and all its van- 
ities, who, at the same time are so much engaged in 
worldly pursuits, in acquiring property, that they do 
not even take a single copy of any Anti-Slavery pub- 
lication! When asked to subscribe they say " Oh! 
I have not time to read!" Could such a person con- 
ceive how astonishingly inconsistent this appears to 
a person of intelligence, they would, surely, be in- 
duced to either renounce their profession or subscribe 
and pay for an Anti-Slavery publication, and give 
themselves time to read it. There are, however, 
several copies of the Emancipator taken and read 
with eagerness. Forty copies of Human Rights ^e 
brought into town and circulated. A few copies^of 
the Liberator are also taken, and perhaps some oth- 
er abohtion papers. 

The Committee of the Methodist Society and most 
all its members, who live in this town, belong to the 
Anti-Slavery Societ\ 5 but they nppear to be very 



42 

reluctant and^tardy in opening their Meeting f louse 
for lectures. Although most all in that society are 
abolitionists, and the Committee all belong to the 
Anti-Slavery Society, yet some of that Committee 
object to having Anti-Slavery lectures there, for fear 
that one or two in the society will vvithold paying any 
thing to their society for the support of the gospel! 
This Ia41iing o^ moral courage is very detrimental to 
the progress of truth. The Committee have heard 
some one in that society (who does not profess re- 
ligion) threaten that if they have an anti-slavery lec- 
ture in that meeting house he will not pay one cent. 
So for fear of loosing a dollar or two, the cause of 
the poor oppressed slave cannot be heard in that 
house. For fear of loosing a dollar or two, slavery 
may continue another generation for any thing they 
will do. So it appears if one in that society has any 
objection to a lecture on slavery, a lecture cannot be 
had, which if the opposer would attend and hear he 
might be convinced. I believe however, that there 
is a large majority there in favor of lectures. Sup- 
posing every religious society would thus treat the 
subject of any moral reform? In that case truth 
would be completely shut out. Supposing the Apos- 
tles of our Saviour had thus waited for the people to 
be convinced, or all agreed, before they preached, 
could there have been any conversions by their 
preaching? Surely not. In fact, then there would 
be no need of preaching. I would ask if this is not 
dependmg upon an arm of flesh for support? They 
refuse to aid in what they acknowledge to be a good 
cause, for fear of man. " The fear of man bringeth 
a^are," says Solomon. They appear to be unwil- 
ling to trust the Lord in this duty. I know of sever- 
al, who, if the meeting house was free for lectures 
would pay double what they now do, and some who 
do not now pay any thing, but who would pay if the 
house was open for free discussion. So on that ground 



43 

lliey woiua i)c <j;uiiers in a pecuniary point oi view, 
in doing their duty. But the principle involved 
ought not to be put into competition with dollars 
and cents. Shall it be said that a Christian society 
sacrifices duty for interest^] I hope they will yet 
come to their senses and open their doors so that the 
cause of the poor and oppressed may be advocated 
there.* 

A writer in the Emancipator of the 9th inst. says: 
"There is no sin which the blessed Savior so strongly 
reprobated as the sin of the 'barren Ji'j; tree'' the un- 
profitable servant^^ and the ' Priest and Lrvite^ 
which was the guilt of doing just nothing at all ! — 
Nay, he has informed us, that the damned in hell 
will be sent there because they ' did it not.'' 

Mansfidd, JVov. 21th, 1837, 

Since the preceeding was written, Mr. J. Cod- 
ding has lectured at Rev. Mr. Morton's Meeting 
House, to a full, quiet, and attentive audience. He 
lectured on Sunday afternoon and evening of the 
19th inst. Mr. Tillson, a financial agent of the Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavery Society has called upon member* 
of the Mansfield Anti-Slavery Society, and collected 
an amount which is very handsome, considering the 
pecuniary embarrassment, and the circumstance that 
we are not rich in this worlds goods. Mr. Codding 
would have lectured at the Methodist Meeting House 
had the Committee been willing. 

MANSFIELD TOWN MEETING. 

Mansfield, March 1th. 1837. 
Yesterday was the first Monday in March, the an- 
nual Town Meeting day for the choice of Town Ofii- 

*A colored man, Rev. H. Easton preached in the Methodist 
Meeting House, in May last. He was liked extraordinary well ; 
but one man was so offended at his being admitted there, that he re- 
fused to hear him, and threatened to nail up his pew door, and swore 
that he would not pay one rem lo the society this year. Perhaps 
this frightened the Committee. 



44 

(•(MS lor tliis (own. On the tenth ofOctober lust, vvc 
were niobb d down h\ the aid and instiijation of men 
not in!ial)it;nUs of the town. Y(^sterday an attempt 
was made to vote us down^ by the same unlawful aid. 
it succeedj^d in part. Win. B. Bates was declared 
by the moderator, (Solomon Pratt, hsq.) to be elect- 
ed Town Clerk. VVhole number of votes 181, ne- 
cessary to a choice Oi, Wm. B. Bates had 92 and 
WHS declared to be chosen. It was afterwards as- 
certained that several had voted on the anti-abolition 
side who did not belong to the town — that some mi- 
nors also voted. Had it not been for these illegal 
votes he would not have been chosen. They could 
not succeed in carrying in a single otlu^r ofiicer, ex- 
cept the Moderator who was chosen belore the Town 
Clerk. We balloted six times for first Selectman 
v/iihout success, and then adjourned the meeting to 
the first Monday in April, at twelve o'clock at noon. 
Solomon Pratt, Esq. and William Grover were the 
highest as opposing candidates. William Grover 
v>Jus supported by the abolitionists and those opposed 
to mobocracy, and Pratt was supported by men of 
of difierent views. Esq Pratt finding he could not 
be clioscn and that it wns probable his opponent 
would be at the next ballot, stated to the meeting 
that he did not tvish to be chosen — that he would not 
accept if he had all the votes(?) He ought to have 
stated that before and saved the town all that lost 
time, and not sufiered himself to be balloted for six 
time's. As soon as he had made that statement, one 
of his party motioned to have the meeting adjourned, 
which was seconded. 1 here was ample time to bal- 
lot twice more, and there would probably have been 
a choice. The motion was tried in the Meeting 
House by holding up hands and decided by the Mod- 
erator to be one or two majority to adjourn. The 
vote was doubted. It was tried again, and decided 
to be three majority not to adjourn. It was doubted. 



45 

It was concliulcd to divide the hcuschy going out doofs 
ill from of ihe Mt'eliiig House, with iliuse in favor of 
adjourning on the right, and those against it on the 
leit. It was evident to me, and to many others, even 
some who voted to adjourn acknowledged it, that there 
was a majority against adjourning. It was, however, 
decided by the Moderator to be a majority \n favor of 
adjourning. The meeting is considered wholly illegal 
as the Selectmen had not furnished nor posted up a list 
of voters, as is required by the statutes. One of the 
Selectmen* was so ignorant as to afterwards declare 
that it was not ry^ssary only once a yea7\' The fol- 
lowing extract from the Revised Statutes may enlighten 
him. 

Chapter 3, Sec. 5. " The Selectmen shall, at least 
ten days before the first Monday in March, and at least 
ten days before the second Monday in November an- 
nually, make out correct alphabetical lists of all the per- 
sons qualified to vote for the several officers, to be elect- 
ed at those periods, respectively, and shall, at least ten 
days before the said elections, cause such lists, respect- 
ively, to be posted up in two or more public places, in 
their respective towns" 

The Selectmen had no such lists made out and post- 
ed up; and after the Town Clerk was declared to be 
chosen, they were called upon by aii elector to produce 
and read their list of voters. After much importunity 
the Moderator brought forward an old list and read it. 
It was found that many had voted whose names were 
not on the said old list, but the Moderator suflfered them 
them to vote at all the six ballotings afterwards, not- 
withstanding they were objected to. 

Mansfield^ April M. 1837. 
This day the voters of the town met, according to 
adjournment, to finish choosing our town officers, &c. 
At the first balloting for Selectmen, the whole number 

*EbeDezer Williaras. 



46 

of votes was declaied to be 209, necessary for a clioice 
105; Capt. Edward Kingman was declared by Esq. 
Pratt, the Moderator, to have just that number and 
was chosen. At the second balloting for second Se- 
lectman, the whole number of votes was declared to 
be 207, necessary for a choice 104 ; Ebenezer Will- 
liams had just that number and was chosen. At the 
third balloting Mr. Warren Cobb was declared to be 
chosen by a little larger majority. 

When the first Selectman was declared to be chosep, 
the mobocratic party gave a shout and clapped their 
hands in token of triumph. James /y||Wilbiir, a young 
man who figured with the base drum at the mob on 
10th Oct. 1836, stationed himself in the front gallery 
and bawled out so loud as to be heard by all present, 
and uttered /cwr words, out of contempt to abolition- 
ists, too profane and obscene to mention here. Some 
of his party felt ashamed of him and hung their heads. 
The Moderator took no notice of the disorder and did 
not even call to order. 

The anti-abolition party boast of the result of this 
election, but I think they have not much to boast of 
when all the circumstances of the case are considered. 
The anti-abolition party held a larg;e caucus a week or 
two previous, nominated their officers, and then used 
every effort to get out all their voters. All the enemies 
of temperance voted on their side, I believe, without 
exception. All the drunkards who were posted as such 
two or three years ago, voted on their side. All who 
are opposed to religion and revivals, voted on that side. 
All negro haters, and those who believe the negro race 
to be inferior to the whites, and that they were created 
on purpose to be slaves, voted on that side. All who 
possess aristocratic feelings and who look upon the la- 
boring class, both white and colored, with contempt, 
voted on that side. All dough faces, who with abject 
servility, cringe to the arrogance of the slave holders of 
the south, for fear the south will dissolve the union, and 

6 



47 

that we shall not be able to sell cotton cloth and oth- 
er goods to so good advantage, voted on that side — 
All who were engaged in the mob of the 10th Octo- 
ber last to prevent the people hearing a lecture in 
favor of human freedom, voted on that side. All who 
were suspected of countenancing the above mob, 
"gentlemen (?) of property and standing," who, in 
mobs, would wish to keep behind the curtain, voted 
on that side. I will not say that there were not any 
honest, sincere, upright, conscientious men who vo- 
ted on that side. I believe there were several. Sev- 
eral who have not looked into the principles of the 
abolitionists, and who are kept from examining the 
subject by the misrepresentations of our opponents; 
but who will, by and by, when the light of truth has 
further spread itself, come on our side and be zeal- 
ously engaged in the good cause. 

Our opponents on another consideration have noth- 
ing to boast of. Almost every man of their party at- 
tended the meeting, while many abolitionists were 
absent. I have not the least doubt but that if every 
abolitionist voter had attended, and if some few tran- 
sient people who were admitted to vote on the other 
side, whose right to vote, to say the least, was doubt- 
ful, had not voted, we should have elected our men 
by a handsome majority. All those who are employ- 
ed by the rail-road company, and all those engaged 
in the coal mining business, who were admitted to 
vote, voted on the anti-abolition side. In short if 
none but native inhabitants of the town had voted, we 
should have had a large majority, notwithstanding 
many abolitionists were absent. Some were admit- 
ted to vote on the pro-slavery side who had mostly for 
a year past, resided in other places, merely on their 
claiming a right to vote and saying that they had 
their trunks kept in toivn. Whether they were emp- 
ty ones or not they did not say; nor was the question 
asked. 



48 

Abolitionists here have been blamed for " takino^ 
part in politics," as though they had no polilical 
rights, now our liberties are at stake. But it was 
very natural that they would turn out and vote against 
those engaged in the mob or suspected of giving 
countenance to mobocracy. 

Between the Town Meetings of the 7th of March 
and the adjourned one on April 3d, the Selectmen 
furnished a list of voters, and when they met to re- 
ceive the qualifications of voters, &.c. at the adjourn- 
ment, several who had voted on the 6th of March, 
were, by the earnest request of abolitionists, ques- 
tioned, and acknowledged themselves not to be in- 
habitants of this town, and their names were taken 
off the list, but still some names were retained and 
voted, unquestionably, who were not legally qualified 
voters. 

The three Selectmen were also chosen Assessors 
for the town. It has appeared that the Assessors 
were not qualified to make the taxes. Ihey applied 
to some abolitionists to make them, who very prop- 
erly refused. As they could not find any of their 
own party, belonging to the town, capable of making 
the taxes, they engaged a person who has resided but 
a short time in the town to make them. But it ap- 
pears that they were made very unequal. The 
town tax was the same in amount, that it was last 
year, but some who stand the same in the valuation 
as they did last year are taxed less, and some who 
stand the same in the valuation are taxed more. It 
is hoped that the town will, by another year, be 
brought to their senses so as not to choose ignorant 
men to manage our concerns, but choose men capa- 
ble of doing the business devolving "upon them with 
accuracy, and without assistance. 

Mansfield, Mv. }4>th, 1837. 

Yesterday was !he day to choose the Governor, 



49 

Lieutenant Governor, Senators and Representative* 
of Massachusetts. The voters of Mansfield met at 
the Centre iMeeting House, agreeableto the w^arrant, 
to cast in their votes forjthe aforesaid officers of the 
State Legislature, but we were not able to effect a 
choice for a representative. We ballotted three 
times, when a motion was made to adjourn the meet- 
ing. The motion was put by holding up hands, but 
as it was difficult to ascertain the vote, it was deter- 
mined to divide the house by going out doors as usu- 
al. It was decided, by the Selectmen, to be a ma- 
jority not to adjourn. It was then motioned not to 
send a representative. This was ultimately decided 
by going out doors and dividing into two lines. It 
was declared to be^a majority to send. As they were 
going into the Meeting House, one man inquired of 
Mr. ^***** (;^*****^ how the vote stood, who replied 
in a strong stentorian voice, ^'to send^Juil and dam- 
nation.^^ Ihose who heard that expression were 
shocked, and a member of the Methodist Church, ask- 
ed another member if he knew that the man who ut- 
tered those words was once a member of the Metho- 
dist Church! He was once a member, but became 
offended at the discipline, and withdrew or was ex- 
pelled, and soon after embraced universalism. • He 
is much opposed to abolitionism, and takes the Uni- 
versalist Trumpet, which is pro-slavery. He ought 
to read works on morality, and also Rev. Adin Bal- 
lou's discourse on slavery, delivered at Mendon, on 
the 4th of July last. A real abolition document, by 
a Universalist Minister. Immediately upon going in, 
a motion was made to dissolve the meeting, which 
motion was put by holding up the hand, and declared 
to be a vote to dissolve the meeting. Some held up 
both hands and one or two minors voted not to dis- 
solve. They are liable to a fine of $100. By this 
time there was much confusion and disorder, dis- 
graceful to thobe who participated in it, and to the 



50 

Chairman of the Selectmen, Capt. Edward Ring- 
man, who did not exercise his authority to preserve 
order, but rather joined in the clamor. He even 
clapped his hands, uttered a loud horse-laugh, and 
said, '' I cannot hear one word that is said." After 
it was declared to be a vote to dissolve the meeting, 
Mr. Bryant made a motion to adjourn which the 
Chairman put. Solomon Pratt, Esq. got up and 
said, that was not in order, as the majority was de- 
clared to be to dissolve the meeting. While Esq. 
Pratt was speaking, much noise was made, evident- 
ly purposely. Several who disliked his speaking 
jumped from the seats on which they had been stand- 
ing and stamped as they walked along. Some cried 
out nigger, nigger, abolition. It occurred to me 
that Esq. Pratt could not but see a little of that mob- 
ocratic spirit, which hefailid to discern onthe^joted 
10th of Oct. 1^36. But times are ever changing, 
and with it men's opinions. Esq. Pratt insisted up- 
on the necessity of the Chairman's declaring the 
meeting dissolved. Finding the clamor and confu- 
sion increasing, and that he could not get along, and 
it being after son set, when it would be illegal to pro- 
ceed, after much delay, declared the meeting dissolv- 
ed. That evening a number met at the tavern and 
held a caucus and determined to petition to have 
another meeting to be held on the fourth Monday of 
this month, for the purpose of choosing a representa- 
tive. The abolitionists most generally voted not to 
send in consequence of not agreeing upon one can- 
date, and also voted to dissolve the meeting. 

Mansjirld, JVov. 21th, 1837. 
A Town Meeting was held this day agreeable to a 
warrant to choose a Representative to the General 
Court. A motion was m;ide to not send a Represen- 
tative. It was tried by yeas and nays and resulted 
in a vote not to send. Nays 98, Yeas 61. Aboli- 
tionists most generally, voted not to send. 



Fruit of M bocracy — Rev. Elijah P. Lovrjoijy 

Murdered at Alton, Illinois. 

AVe have before us, in the murder of Elijah P. 
Lovejoy, that friend to hberty and tlie rii;hts ot'man, 
the legithiiate fruits of ihat spu'it of mohocracv v.li ch 
has been acted out in tiiis town, and throuuhout tlie 
country. All those who liave directly or indirectly 
encouraged or countenanced, or have been actors in 
mobs, to put down free discussion, or silence aboli- 
tionists, are accessory to that murder. I hey are ac- 
cessory in fomenting that spirit whicli has led to mur- 
der — to the murder of that inestimable and worthy 
philanthropist, Elijah P. LoveJ! y. That spirit of 
mobocracy; that spirit of opposition to liberty had, 
previously to this fatal catastrophe, destroyed his 
j)rintiiig press two or three times. The first time it 
was destroyed was in St. Louis, Missouri, a slave 
holding state, A lawless mob destroyed it because 
the paper had the moral courage to speak in favor of 
human liberty and against that awful deed of moral 
turpitude transacted there — I mean the burning a 
colored man to death by a slow fire by a mob. 1^1 r. 
Lovejoy's paper, the St. Louis Observer, boldly pro- 
tested against such a deed of moral depravity. For 
this his press was destroyed and his life threatened. 
As he found he could not enjoy the liberty of publish- 
ing truth in a slave holding state he moved into the 
nomma//i/ free state of Illinois. Here the minions 
of slavery followed him and with the spirit of demons 
twice destroyed his press and thirsted after his blood. 
And on the niiiht of Nov. 7, 1837, the mob accom- 
plished their savage and diabolical purpose. They 
shot him dead — they took his life. Then, as soon 
as the ruffians found that they had done the deed, the 
air was rent with savage yells of infernal gratification 
surpassing the Indian v/ar whoop. But his blood 



52 

cry^ih from the u round tor veniieance. Vengeance 
upon tke odious system of slavery by wliose spirit 
the dreadful deed u as committed. The death war- 
rant of slavery is svrncd! 

A jireat change is takinfj place all over the coun- 
try in favor of the abolition of slavery. The Hon. 
Ifichard Fletcher, Representative in Connfress from 
Boston district, at the noted Faneuil Hall meetinir 
two years ago, denounced abolitionists by a speech, 
which has been considered to have been the cause ot 
tlu; Boston mob, and others, but now offers to bear 
one thrd of the expense of re-establishing the Alton 
Observer. The old lion of Ifeio England is rouscd! 

CONCLUSION. 
• When I comjiienced the preceding paragraphs, I 
had not the most distant idea of extendinjj them to 
the length I have: neither did I expect to have it pub- 
lished. But yielding to the solicitations of friends, 
(as I have a few lett, notwithstanding the attempts 
of anti-abolitionists to crush me,) I have concluded 
to have it appear in print, that the public may have 
an opportunity to judge of the base attempt to crush 
free discussion in Mansfield. In doing this I have 
stated nothing hni facts, most of which I was an eye 
and ear witness of I have done it as impartially as 
I was able, without fear, favor, or atfection. I have 
not written with any ill will to any person, nor for 
the purpose of courting the favor of any sect or par- 
ty. \^ I am indiscreet in so doing it is owing to the 
predominant principle of liberty by which I am ac- 
tuated. I have been accused by the enemies of ab- 
olition and promoters of mobs, of being the whole 
cause of abolition sentiments spreading throughout 
the town, (as though that was a crime,) and thereby 
being the cause of the mob of Oct. 10,1836. If I 
have done any thing to forward the cause of Anti- 
Slavery, I rejoice, but I reprobate the idea of being 
tbe cause of mobs. They originate from men ofdif- 



5^ 

ferent principles. T he part vvliich I have taken in the 
Anti-Slavery cause has exposed me to much obloquy 
and reproach. It is true that I have taken considera- 
ble pains to circulate anti-slavery publications, })articu- 
larly at the commencement of light on the subject in 
this town, if I have been the means of enlighteniiio; 
my fellow citizens on this question, I am gratified ; and 
if I am reproached by the enemies of the cause, for so 
doing, I shall consider it my highest honor. But I am 
sorry that any person should be found fighting against 
the truth. Some anti-abolitionists have accused me of 
being actuated by a mercenary spirit ; that I am a hire- 
ling and do it to get money. Others of the same class 
accuse me of neglecting my proper calling, spending 
my time for nothing, when I ought to be earning some- 
thing for the support of my family, &c. It is true that 
1 have spent considerable time to disseminate publica- 
tions and light upon the subject, and to obtain signa- 
tures to petitions to Congress, for which I have not had 
any pay.* I have not done it for money. I have spent 
both time and money in the cause cheerfully. Mv 
anxiety to see the cause prosper has induced me to do 
it. 1 think it time for others to wake up and work 
while the day lasts. We want more working men and 
working women in this cause to insure it success. Ev- 
ery man and woman ought to take hold of the work in 
earnest. Surely if they had near and dear relatives in 
such slavery as the colored people of the south are op- 
pressed with, they would not be idle. They would 
then think it time to do something. They would 
awake out of sleep. 

Perhaps the reader of the preceding pages will ex- 
pect some apolofry for its imperfections in style and 
grammar, &c. My apology is that I have had nothing 
but a common country school education, and that farm- 

*One man in town gave me one dollar, and another in an adjoin- 
ing town gave me fifty cents, which is all 1 have received, except mf 
fare to and from ati Anti-Slaverjr Convention, when a Delegate. 



54 

iijo; has been my chief cinployment. Such as it is I 
give it lo the public, hoping tiiat whoever tnkes the 
tiijuhle lo read it will pass by "like the idle wind" its 
iin perfections. 

As the Ami-Slavery cause grows popular, many men 
cf " property and standing," who aspire to political 
])refermeni, will crowd into the anti-slavery ranks. — 
This was evident in the recent election in this state. — 
One of the Whig candidates for Senators in the Coun- 
ty of Bristol, JMr. Eddy, it was said, assisted a year or 
two since in breaking up an abolition meeting in Fall 
River, but now comes ioruard in a letter to Mr. Rob- 
eson, President of the Bristol County Ami- Slavery 
societ^ , in favor of abolition, jwsi before ehction. He 
was therefore elected. E^ en Gov. Eveiett, it is said, 
favors abolition, when not two years ago, he declared 
ill his speech to the legislature, that the doings of abo- 
litionists vsere '-'■ indictable at ccmmcn lew.'''' I ex- 
pect some of the leading men of this town will soon be 
courting the abolitionists votes. They will pretend to 
be on their side. Yes, men who not fourteen months 
ago stood by and saw us mobbed without so much as 
lifting a finger or saying a word to prevent it. Not 
only so, but said and did those things which encour- 
aged the mob. Abolitionists ought to be warned not 
to trust such men. Their own selfish ends are all they 
are seeking after. Our preference ought to run in fa- 
vor of those who have born calumny and reproach in 
favor of the cause. To see a man come out publicly 
and fearlessly in favor of abolition when it was unpop- 
ular and he was subject to obloquy and reproach, and 
had to suffer persecution for bearing testimony in fa- 
vor of truth, argues that the man is sincere and acts 
upon principle. Abolitionists need not fear to trust 
such men. Time serving politicians we ought to shun. 
With these {qw remarks I close, and subscribe myself, 
Your Humble Servant*, 

ISAAC STEARNS. 

7 



CONSTITUTION 

OF THE MANSFIELD ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

PREAMBIB. 

Whereas we believe Slavery to be a violation of 
the principle of right, of equal justice between man 
and man; of the ordination of God and nature; of 
the precepts of Christianity, and a great sin which 
ought to be immediately abolished: and whereas we 
believe that the inhabitants of any town, state, or na- 
tion of the world have not only the right to protest 
against it, but are under the highest moral and re- 
ligious obligations to seek and strive for its removal 
by moral means : and whereas we believe and are 
fully persuaded that the free people of color are sub- 
ject to an unrighteous prejudice and are unjustly op- 
pressed, and stand in need of our sympathy, and be- 
nevolent assistance; therefore recognizing the inspir- 
ed declaration that God has made of one blood all 
the nations of the earth, and believing the sentiments 
of the Declaration of American Independence, that 
'^ We hold these truths to he self evident, that all 
men are created equal'^ that they are endowed by 
their Creator ivith certain inalienable rights'^ among 
these are life, liberty^ and the pursuit of happiness y'^'' 
we agree to form ourselves into a Society, and to be 
governed by the following 

Article 1. This Association shall be called the 
Mansfield Anti-Slavery Society, auxihary to the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. 

Article 2. Any person who consents to the prin- 
ciples contained in this Instrument, may become a 
member of this Society, by signing the Constitution. 

Article 3. The funds of the society shall be ap- 
propriated to the dissemination of truth upon the 
subject of slavery, and the improvement of the moral 



and intellectual character of the colored population, 
and shall be expended under the direction of ihe Ex- 
ecutive Board, unless the Society shall order a spe- 
cial appropriation. 

Article 4. The government of the Society shall 
be vested in a Board of Officers, consisting of a Presi- 
dent, four Vice Presidents, a Recording Secretary, 
a Corresponding Secretary, and a Treasurer. 

Article 5. An annual meeting of the Society shall 
be holden on the first Monday in November, at which 
meeting the Treasurer shall make a report of the 
condition of the Treasury, and the Report of the 
Executive Board shall be read. At this meeting the 
officers for the ensuing year shall be chosen. 

Article 6. The society shall hold quarterly meet- 
ings on the first Monday of February, May and Au- 
gust, and the Executive Board may engage some 
person to lecture on the subject of slavery at the 
quarterly meetings, and whenever they shall judge it 
expedient for the advancement of the cause of aboli- 
tion. 

Article 7. This Constitution may be amended at 
any regular meeting of the Society by a vote of two 
thirds of the members present, provided the amend- 
ment proposed has been submitted to the society at 
any previous meeting. 

APPENDIX. 

The Mansfield Anti-Slavery Society met for the 
first time, on Monday, Dec. 3, 1836, at Rev. Mr. 
Morton's Meeting House, for the purpose of organi- 
zing themselves and choosing their officers. The fol- 
lowing constitute the board of officers, and were 
chosen by a unanimous vote. 

President — Dr. Hezekiah Skinner. 

Vice Presidents — Capt. Schuyler Shepard, Otis 
Allen, Knight Day, Stephen S. Sherman. 

Recording Secretary — William Grover. 



Corresponding Secretary—Is^iac Stearns, Jr. 
Treasurer — Stillman Cobb. 



MEMBERS. 



Otis Allen, > 

Susanna Allen, 3 
Avery D. Allen, 
Abigail Allen, 
Davis Allen, 
Wm. M. Allen, 
Fanny Allen, 
Micah Allen, 
Anna Allen, 
Anna Allen,2d 
Eunice Allen, 
Daniel Atherton, 
Stirnpson Austin, 
Sally Austin, 
Stirnpson L. Austin, 
Julia^A. Austin, 



Malancy B. Balkcom'3 
Jacob Bailey, 
Abigail Bassett, 
Ruth Bassett, 
Willard Billings, ) 
Eunice Billings, 5 
Jacob Briggs, > 
Nancy Briggs, ) 
Albert P, Briggs, 
Solomon Briggs, 
Elizabeth Briggs, 
Edmund Briggs, 
Nancy Briggs 2d. 
Martin M. Braley, } 
Cynthia C Braley, ^ 



Nicholas Brown, ) 
Fanny C Brown, ) 



Asa Clark, ) 
Mercy Clark, ] 
Stillman Cobb, 
Phebe Cobb, 
Eliza H. Cobb," 
David Cobb, ) 
Elizabeth Cobb; 3 
Lura Cobb, 
George Cobb, 
Jason Cobb, ) 
Jerusha Cobb, J 
James E. Cobb, 
Samuel C. Cobb, j 
Huldah Cobb, < 
Jason H. Cobb^ 
Willard Cobb, > 
Lydia J. Cobb, ) 
Rachael Cobb, 
Caroline F. Cobb, 
Luther Clapp, } 
Virtue Clapp, \ 
Wm. A. Clapp, 
Erastus Clapp, 
John S. Codding, 
Elmira Codding, 
Wilham Codding, 
A hi Codding, 
William Cole, 
Amasa Copeland, 
Fanny Copeland, 



58 



Leonard Corey, 
Adah Corey, 
Maria J. Cummings, 
Sally Crossman. 



Robert Davis, 
Clarissa A. Day, 
Charles Day, 
Eliza Day, 
Knight Day. 
Martha Day. 
Henry Day. 
Maria Day. 

Mehitable H. Dean. 
Betsey Derby. 
Fanny Drake. 
Jane A. Dunham. 
'Sarah A. Dunham. 

Charles Eaton. 
M. D. Eddy. 
Jemima Eldridge. 
Tabathy Eldridge. 
Julia A. Eldridge. 
Charles W. Evans. 

Daniel Fisher. 
Hepzibah Fisher. 
Daniel Fisher Jr. 
IViary B. Francis. 
Abigail Frost. 
Harrison Fuller. 
Mary P. Fuller. 

Hosea Grover. 
Jerusha Grover. 



Loretta o rover. 
Juline Grover. 
Betsey Grover, 
Wm. O. Grover. 
David Grover, 
Martha Grover, 
Robert B. Grover, 
Mary Grover 2d, 
George Grover, 
J^Iary Grover, 
Lemuel Grover, 
Sarah Grover, 
Eunice Grover, 
Cephas Grover, 
Bradbury E Grover, 
William Grover, 
Betsey C. Grover, 
Levi Grover, 

Mehitable Hall, 
Nehemiah Hall, 
Asenath Hall, 
Herman Hall, 
Fanny C Hall, 
Amasa Hardon, 
Lucy Hardon, 
Wm, H. Hardon, 
Wilson Hardon, 
Nathan Hardon, 
Sally Hardon, 
Maria Hardon, 
Angenette Hardon, 
Comfort Hardon, 
Nancy H. Hardon, 
Susanna Hardon, 
Fanny Hardon, 
Simeon Hardon, 
Polly Hardon, 



59 



Juiine Hanlon, 
Nancy Hicks, 
Rosanna Hearspy, 
Elisha Hodges, 
Sarah A. Hodges, 
Abigail Hodges, 
Jesse Hodges, 
Susan Hodges, 
Quincy Hunt, 
Peddy Hunt, 
Eunice Hunt, 
Henrietta M. Hunt, 



Mary Johnson, 

Artemas King, 
Sally King, 



Elizaheth Lambert, 
Wm. S. Lane, 
Emy Lane, 
Vesta Lathrop, 
Silas Leonard, 
Clarissa Leonard, 
Serena Leonard, 
Sally Leonard, 
Nehemiah Leonard, 
Louisa T. Lincoln, 
Stephen T. Lincoln, 
Wm. S. Lincoln, 
^masa Lovell, 
Bethany Lovell, 

Daniel Martin, 
Rachael Martin, 
Daniel Martin, Jr. 
Salome Martin, 
Linus Martin, 



Ruth Y. Martin, 
Nancv Martin, 
Albert G. Morton, 
Fanny Morton, 
Milly Morse, 
Chester F. Morse, 
-^urilla Morse, 

Thomas Newcomb, 
Fanny New comb, 
Maria Newcomb, 
Almira Newcomb, 
Martha Newcomb, 
Abigail Newcomb, 
Rachael Nevvcoinb, 
llachael Newcomb, 2d. 
John E. Newland, 

Joseph H. Paine, 
Nelson Paine, 
Belinda Paine, 
Isaac Paine, 
Polly Paine, 
Wm. A. Paine, 
Rhoda R. Paine, 
Hosea E. Paine, 
Betsey Paine, 
Azubah Paine, 
Eunice L. Paine, 
Betsey Parker, 
Stephen C. Perry, 
Ann Perry, 
Harriet Perry, 
Koanna W. Perry, 
Amasa Pratt, 
Sally Pratt, 
Luther Phillips, 
Eleanor Phillips, 



60 



James Reed, 
Rachael Reed, 
Ira Richardson, 
Eveline Richardson, 
Kingman Richmond, 
Sarah Richmond, 
Caroline A Richmond 
Alexander Richmond 
Geo. W. Richmond, 
Mary A. Richmond, 
Ozias Robinson, 
Rachael J. Robinson 

Sally F. Shaw, 
Seth Shepard, 
Lydia Shepard, 
Schuyler Shepard, 
Aurilla Shepard, 
Welcome Skinner, 
Mary Skiimer, 
Hezekiah Skinner, 
Sally Skinner, 
David Skinner, 
Abi Skinner, 
Horace Skinner, 
Fanny H. Skinner, 
Zebediah Skinner, 
Hannuh Skinner, 
Otis Skinner, 
Ruth Skinner, 
Abigail S. Skinner, 
Rufus Skinner, 
Elizabeth Skinner, 



Sybil Skinner. 
Harrison Skinner, 



Lettice Skinner. 



Sarah Skinner. 
Eunice Skinner, 
Elias Skinner, 
Susanna Skinner, 
Luther F. Skinner, 
Julius Skinner, 
Julia Skinner, 
Dency Skinner, 
Anna Skinner, 
Fanny Skinner, 
Louisa Skinner, 
Isaac Skinner, 
Isaac Skinner, Jr. 
Fanny Skinner, 
Stephen Sherman, 
Abiah Sherman, 
Susan Smith, 
Isaac Stearns, 
Sarah Stearns, 
William Stearns, 
Nancy H. Stearns, 
Rachael R. -Stearns, 
Sa\\y Stearns, 
Polly AStearns, 
Nathaniel 5'tone, ] 
Jane A^tone, 
Catharine iStone, 
Charles ^tratton, 

George Thurber, 
Louisa Tift, 
John T. Tobit, 
Eliza A. Tobit, 

iSophrona W. Wheeler, 

.Sally White, 
William White, 



61 



Almira White, 
Esther Wliite, 
Anna White, 
Polly White, 
Abiaail White, 
Huldah White, 
Isaac White, 
^Sophia White, 
6'ophiaH. White, 
Clarissa H. White, 
Isaac H. White, 
Simeon White, 
Polly C. White, 
Charles P. White, 
Eunice T. White, 
Hiram H. White, 

%CJ° Since the article 



Lydia White, 
Franklin White, 
8arah H. White, 
Emily A. White, 
Daniel Williams, 
Nancy Willams, 
Nancy Williams 2(1. 
Daniel Williams Jr. 
Lavina Williams, 
Nahum Williams, 
Clarissa Williams. 

Nancy H. Williams 
Thomas Wilmarth, 
Ann G. Witherell, 
Joseph Wood. 

relating to the Methodist 



Society ivas written and sent to press, I have been 
informed that the Committee and Minister of the 
Society are ivilling to have Anti- Slavery Lectures 
in their house. 



pfl 



" 1 8 1 




-y-UJ^-"'^-' ^l"' 



> V 



.^^ 






\ 










.& 



V .sj 






is' ~2^ * 






^O 






^ 
^O^ 



-=0-A 












\C^^ "^ 



<^ 



.5 °^ 



.^ 



V' 







■ -^0 LIBRARY BINDING -J ^P O^ ■* i 



.^ .^ ° " ° 



V 
{( ST. AUGUSTINE -^ 







> 



-.^^ .^^ 






